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ISRAEL If the dominant group constitutes a large majority (80% or more), however, it is reasonable to expect that a low level of repressive measures will be required in order to safeguard ethnic domination. This kind of regime is described by Smooha and Hanf (1992) as "ethnic democracy". Their primary empirical reference is the State of Israel (within its 1949 boundaries where the Palestinian Arabs constitutes some 17% of the population). This is a system where the minority is granted certain political and civil rights as citizens of the state, a factor which, according to Smooha and Hanf, justifies the term "democracy" attached to it. However, as they also make clear, "ethnic democracy differs from other types of democracy in according a structured superior status" to the dominant group, keeping the non-dominant groups out of the highest offices of the state and alienating them from the character of the state (its symbols, official language, religion, immigration policy (Smooha and Hanf 1992:32, my emphasis). And most importantly, it is a system where "the nation takes precedent over the state or civil society" (ibid.). van den Berghe's use of the term "democracy" is acceptable because it refers to a political structure which, within its own limits, is undoubtedly democratic. "Herrenvolk democracy" could be an expression which fruitfully combines contradicting terms. It relates to the presence of democratic institutions (established for the dominant group), but also to the exclusive and racist (strengthened by the German connotations) nature of the system. Smooha and Hanf's use of "democracy" is more problematic because it refers specifically to the rights accorded to the non-dominant group. These rights are not only limited in important respects, but made conditional on the national interests of the dominant group. A system where "the nation the dominant group takes precedence over the state or civil society" is not a type which fits with any well-established conception of democracy because it subordinates democratic rights under an exclusivist national doctrine. The conditionality of democratic rights in an "ethnic democracy" is well illustrated by Smooha and Hanf themselves when they observe that "Israel can afford to extend democracy to Israeli Arab s because they constitute only one seventh of the Israeli population and roughly one seventh of the Palestinian people. This is why ethnic democracy is a realistic option via-a-vis Israeli Arabs only" (1992:38). LATVIA AND ESTONIA There is a spectrum of opinion among authors as to the classification of process that includes tests on local language and constitution, as well as long-time residency requirements. Most, however, point out that these countries' citizenship laws are not based on ethnicity, obtaining citizenship is not closed to those who choose to obtain it, and thus conclude they more closely fit the model of a civic democracy. As of 2007 , More Than 18% Of Latvia's Residents (approximately Half Of Russophones) , as well as 9% of Estonia's residents lack foreign or domestic citizenship. (The largest minorities ''with'' foreign citizenship are those of Russian Federation in both cases.) The large (nearly 35% in Latvia and 25% in Estonia) Russophone minority was, and continues to be, under-represented in the national parliaments. The OSCE mission in Latvia monitoring the parliamentary elections mentioned that: The collapse of the Document EUR 51/002/2007 7 December 2006 Amnesty takes on Estonia ( reprint ). On the other hand, the view that Estonia or Latvia are ethnic democracies is rejected by most writersSmooha, S. 'The Model of Ethnic Democracy' in ''The Fate of Ethnic Democracy in Post-Communist Europe'', pp. 129–190. Smooha S, ed. EMCI, 2005.. They point out that the citizenship laws of these countries are not ethnicity-based and treat citizens of Russian ethnicity, including those whose families have been living in these countries since before 1940 with the same rights as the ethnic majorities. Some critics also point out a need to counter the post- WWII influx of Russophone population caused by the Occupation Of Baltic States , and that considerable funds are allocated to integration programs such as lessons of local languages for the non-native people Non-Estonians' Integration Foundation . For example, the Republic of Estonia reimburses 100% of money spent on language lessons upon the student's passing the naturalisation language test. The basic language requirements for the naturalization are not an obstacle to gaining citizenship in Latvia, as a recent resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe in November 2006 found: REFERENCES |
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