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The Lord's Resistance Army ('''LRA'''),The LRA has been known by a number of different names, including the '''Lord's Army''' (1987 to 1988) and the '''Uganda Peoples' Democratic Christian Army (UPDCA)''' (1988 to 1992) before settling on the current name in 1992. They are also sometimes referred to as '''Lord's Resistance Movement/Army''' (LRM/A or LRA/M). Some academics have included the LRA under the rubric '''Lakwena Part Two'''. For simplicity's sake, this article refers to all of these various manifestations as the "Lord's Resistance Army". formed in In Depth'', June 2007 The LRA is accused of widespread Human Rights Violations , including Mutilation , Torture , Rape , the Abduction of civilians, the use of Child Soldiers and a number of massacres. (IDP) camps. The Labuje IDP camp (''pictured'') is near Kitgum Town.]] BACKGROUND The January 1986 overthrow of President Tito Okello , an ethnic Acholi, by the National Resistance Army (NRA) of southwest Ugandan Yoweri Museveni marked a period of intense turmoil. The Acholi feared the loss of their traditional dominance of the national military; they were also deeply concerned that the NRA would seek retribution for the brutal Counterinsurgency , particularly the actions of the army in the Luwero Triangle .Doom, R. and K. Vlassenroot. "Kony's message: a new ''koine''? The Lord's Resistance Army in Northern Uganda," ''African Affairs'' 98 (390), p. 9 By August of that year, a full-blown popular insurgency had developed in northern regions that were occupied by government forces. EARLY HISTORY OF THE LRA (1987 TO 1994) See Also: Lord's Resistance Army (1987-1994) In January 1987 Joseph Kony made his first appearance as a spirit medium, one of many who emerged after the initial success of the Holy Spirit Movement of Alice Auma . Former Uganda People's Democratic Army commander Odong Latek convinced Kony to adopt conventional Guerrilla Tactics , primarily surprise attacks on civilian targets, such as villages. The LRA also occasionally carried out large-scale attacks to underline the inability of the government to protect the populace. Until 1991 the LRA raided the populace for supplies, which were carried away by villagers who were abducted for short periods. The fact that some NRA units were known for their brutal actions ensured that the LRA were given at least passive support by segments of the Acholi populationO’Kadameri, Billie. "LRA / Government negotiations 1993-94" in Okello Lucima, ed., ''Accord magazine: Protracted conflict, elusive peace: Initiatives to end the violence in northern Uganda'' , 2002. March 1991 saw the start of "Operation North", which combined efforts to destroy the LRA while cutting away its roots of support among the population through heavy-handed tactics.Gersony, Robert. The Anguish of Northern Uganda: Results of a Field-based Assessment of the Civil Conflicts in Northern Uganda (PDF), US Embassy Kampala, March 1997, and , the Minister charged with ending the insurgency, created "Arrow Groups" mostly armed with bows and arrows, as a form of local defence. As the LRA was armed with modern weaponry, the bow-and-arrow groups were overpowered. Nevertheless, the creation of the Arrow Groups angered Kony, who began to feel that he no longer had the support of the population. In response the LRA mutilated numerous Acholi who they believed to be government supporters. While the government efforts were a failure, the LRA reaction caused many Acholi to finally turn against the insurgency. However, this was tempered by the deep-seated antagonism towards the occupying government forces. After the failure of Operation North, Minister Bigombe initiated the first face-to-face meeting between representatives of the LRA and government. The LRA asked for a general amnesty for their combatants and stated that they would not surrender, but were willing to "return home." However, the government stance was hampered by disagreement over the credibility of the LRA negotiators and political infighting. In particular, the military had learned that Kony was negotiating with the Sudan ese government for support while talking to Bigombe, and felt that Kony was simply trying to buy time. At a second meeting on 10 January 1994 , Kony asked for six months to regroup his troops. By early February the tone of the negotiations was growing increasingly acrimonious, and following a meeting on 2 February , the LRA broke off negotiations stating that they felt that the NRA was trying to entrap them. Four days later, President Yoweri Museveni announced a seven-day deadline for the LRA to surrender. This ultimatum ended the Bigombe initiative. AN INTERNATIONAL CONFLICT (1994 TO 2002) See Also: Lord's Resistance Army (1994-2002) Two weeks after Museveni delivered his ultimatum of 6 February 1994 , it was reported that LRA fighters had crossed the northern border and established bases in southern Sudan with the approval of the Khartoum government. Sudanese aid was a response to Ugandan support for the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) fighting in the Civil War in the south of the country. Also, convinced that the Acholi were now collaborating with the Museveni government, Kony began to target civilians with his increased military strength. Mutilations became commonplace (especially cutting off ears, lips, nose), and 1994 saw the first mass abduction of children and youth. The most famous of these was the Aboke Abductions of 139 female students in October 1996. As most of the LRA combatants are abducted children, a military offensive against the LRA is widely perceived by the Acholi as a massacre of victims. Government attempts to destroy the rebels are thus viewed as another cause for grievance by the Acholi. The moral ambiguity of this situation, in which abducted young rebels are both the victims and perpetrators of brutal acts, is vital to understanding the current conflict. The creation of the government "protected villages" beginning in 1996 further deepened the antagonistic attitude that many Acholi have toward the government, especially as the population continues to be attacked by the LRA even within the "protected camps." The camps are also crowded, unsanitary, and miserable places to live.Dolan, Chris. What do you remember? A rough guide to the war in Northern Uganda 1986-2000 (PDF), COPE Working Paper No. 33, 2000, p. 19, and Weeks, Willard. Pushing the Envelope: Moving Beyond 'Protected Villages' in Northern Uganda (PDF), for UNOCHA Kampala, March 2002, p. 4 Meanwhile, in 1997 the Sudanese government of the National Islamic Front began to recede from its previous hard-line stance. Following the September 11, 2001 Attacks in the U.S., the relationship between Sudan and Uganda abruptly changed. Cross-border tensions eased as support to proxy forces fell. Some of the hundreds of thousands of civilians Displaced by the war began to return to their homes. The number of people displaced by the conflict declined to about half a million, and people began to talk openly of the day when the "protected camps" would be disbanded.Weeks, p. 36 THE INSURGENCY FLARES (MARCH 2002 TO SEPTEMBER 2005) See Also: Lord's Resistance Army (2002-2005) In March 2002, the , Uganda, February 2004, p. 32. A series of diplomatic initiatives during these years failed, especially since Kony's negotiating position remained uncertain, but the conflict gained unprecedented international coverage. During a November 2003 field visit to Uganda, , 10 November 2003 In December 2003, Ugandan President Museveni referred the LRA to the International Criminal Court (ICC) to determine if the LRA is guilty of international war crimes. From the middle of 2005 In mid-September 2005, a band of LRA fighters, led by 2005 This sparked a diplomatic row between the governments of the DRC and Uganda, with both militaries making a show of force along their border, while the Congolese ambassador to the United Nations sent a letter to the UN Secretary-General demanding that an economic embargo be placed on Uganda in retaliation. EFFECTS camp]] The insurgency was historically contained to the region known as AlertNet, 9 March 2005 The U.S. government estimates that up to 12,000 people have been killed in the violence, with many more dying from disease and Malnutrition as a direct result of the conflict. Nearly two million civilians have been forced to flee their homes, living in Internally Displaced Person (IDP) camps and within the safety of larger settlements, sleeping on street corners and in other public spaces. While many abductees are taken to carry items looted from raided villages, some are also used as Soldiers and Sex Slaves . The group performs abductions primarily from the Acholi People , who have borne the brunt of the 18 year LRA campaign. The United Nations estimated in the mid-2000s that around 25,000 children have been kidnapped by the LRA since 1987. A 2006 survey of 750 youth in Kitgum and Pader concluded that the UN estimate was a significant underestimate. According to the survey, at least 66,000 youth between the ages of 13 and 30 have been abducted. One-third of all boys and one-sixth of all girls had been taken for at least one day. Of these, 66% of males were taken for longer than two weeks, while the equivalent number for females was 46%. If a female was gone for more than two weeks, there was a one in four chance that she had not returned. Males were again found to be taken for longer periods of time on average, with two in five males that were abducted for more than two weeks not having returned. The number of abductions was greatest in 2002 and 2003, perhaps in retaliation for Operation Iron Fist. However, the average age of abductees has risen from about 13 in 1994 to nearly 18 in 2004, coinciding with the rise in number, and fall in length, of abductions.See also ''Figure 2: Distribution of LRA abduction over eight sub-counties, 1985 to 2005'', p. 2 of The State of Youth and Youth Protection in Northern Uganda: Findings from the Survey for War Affected Youth (Phase 1 Final Report: Draft for Comments) , SWAY, August 2006 for a sense of the geographic shift in abductions over time While the LRA now appears to consist of less than two thousand combatants that are under intense pressure from the Ugandan military, the government has been unable to end the insurgency to date. Ongoing peace negotiations are complicated by an investigation and trial preparation by the International Criminal Court . The conflict continues to slow down Uganda's development efforts, costing the poor country's economy a cumulative total of at least $1.33 billion, which is equivalent to 3% of GDP, or $100 million annually.Jeff Dorsey and Steven Opeitum for the Civil Society Organisations for Peace in Northern Uganda (CSOPNU), The Net Economic Cost of the Conflict in the Acholiland Sub-Region of Uganda (PDF) , Kampala, September 2002 Night Commuters Each night, children between the ages of 3 and 17, referred to as "Night Commuters" or "Night Dwellers" walk up to 20 Kilometres (12 Mile s) from IDP camps to larger towns, especially Gulu , in search of safety. Initiatives to raise international awareness for these children include the " GuluWalk " and the work of the Uganda Conflict Action Network . GuluWalk started in 2005 as an attempt to tell the story of the night commuters and has since grown to an impassioned worldwide plea for peace. GuluWalk 2006 raised more than $500,000 for programs active on the ground in Northern Uganda. Night commuters are also the subject of documentaries such as ''Stolen Children'', ''Wardance'', and '' Invisible Children ''. The ''Invisible Children'' documentary sponsors the Global Night Commute , an event similar to GuluWalk. On April 29th, 2007 over 80,000 youths from around the world converged on urban centers in 130 major cities around the world in solidarity with displaced Ugandan children. Another program, The Name Campaign , asks people to wear nameplate necklaces imprinted with the first name of one of the thousands of abducted children as a means of raising public awareness. Danny Glover and Don Cheadle have both been vocal advocates on behalf of the children of Northern Uganda. DEVELOPMENTS SINCE 2005 ICC arrest warrants s'' (IDPs), and IDPs as a percentage of total population in northern Ugandan districts.]] The 2005 On 2005 On 2006 Juba peace talks See Also: Juba talks A series of ongoing meetings have been held in Juba since July 2006 between the government of Uganda and the LRA. The talks are mediated by , August 20 , 2006 The talks, which resulted in a ceasefire by September 2006, have been described as the best chance for a negotiated settlement since the peace initiative of Betty Bigombe in 1994. These talks were agreed to after Joseph Kony released a video in May in which he denied committing atrocities and seemed to call for an end to hostilities, in response to an announcement by Museveni that he would guarantee the safety of Kony if peace was agreed to by July. Uganda LRA rebels reject amnesty , 2006 In broader context, the government of Southern Sudan viewed the talks as a means of ridding itself of a foreign army that is complicating their delicate relationship with the Khartoum government. The request by the Ugandan Government for ICC to suspend war crimes indictments against leaders of the LRA was condemned by international human rights groups but largely supported by leaders and civilians within northern Uganda. UGANDA: Locals want rebel leader forgiven , IRIN, 1 August 2006 By mid-2007, thousands of IDPs had moved into the decongestion camps. However, the populace remains cautious about the prospect of a peace deal, with many refusing to return to their ancestral homes until a definitive end to the insurgency. "UGANDA: IDPs begin slow journey home amid concerns over peace process" , ''IRIN'', 18 May 2007 Following a suspension in the peace talks, the 2007 On August 20, 2007, Uganda declared that it is seeking legal advice on setting a War Crime s court.1 NOTES AND REFERENCES SEE ALSO
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