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Mansfield is the author and co-translator of studies of and/or by major political philosophers such as Aristotle , Edmund Burke , Machiavelli , Alexis De Tocqueville , and Thomas Hobbes , of Constitutional Government , and of '' Manliness '' (2006). In interviews Mansfield has acknowledged the work of , 2007 . (18 pages.) Among his most notable former students are: '', August 22 , 2005 , accessed June 16 , 2006 . Nathan Tarcov; Clifford Orwin ; Mark Blitz; Paul Cantor; Delba Winthrop; Mark Lilla ; Arthur Melzer; Jerry Weinberger; and James Ceaser. PERSONAL BACKGROUND According to his Harvard University faculty webpage, Mansfield has been at Harvard since his own student days in 1949, having joined the faculty in 1962. He received his A.B. at Harvard in 1953 and Ph.D. from the same institution in 1961. He was married to the late Delba Winthrop , with whom he co-translated and co-authored work on Tocqueville. BOOKS
AWARDS AND HONORS
''A STUDENT'S GUIDE TO POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY'' In his 2001 book ''A Student's Guide to Political Philosophy'', Mansfield traces the history of political philosophy in "the great books" written by in practical Politics , which Mansfield considers necessarily partisan, because it involves citizens "arguing passionately pro and con with with advocacy and denigration, accusation and defense" (2). He reminds students that politics is not just liberal and conservative, but rather, liberal ''versus'' conservative, with each side defending its own interest as it attempts to appeal to the Common Good (2). Since such adversarial sides in a political dispute appeal to the common good, an observer of the dispute can use his capacity to reason to judge which side supplies the most compelling arguments. If such an observer is competent to be a judge, he or she may be thought of as a political philosopher, or as at least on the way to engaging in political philosophy (2–3). Mansfield stresses the connection between politics and political philosophy, but he does not find Political Philosophy in Political Science , which for Mansfield is a rival to political philosophy and "apes" the natural sciences (3–5). From Mansfield's point of view, Political Science replaces words like "good," "just," and "noble" with other words like "utility" or "preferences." The terms are meant to be neutral, but as a result of the political scientist's purported change of role and perspective from judge to so-called "disinterested observer," such a "scientist" is not able to determine whose arguments are the best, because he or she falls victim to Relativism , which, according to Mansfield, is "a sort of lazy Dogmatism " (4–5). In his guide, Mansfield reminds students that political science rebelled from political philosophy in the seventeenth century and declared itself distinct and separate in the Positivist movement of the late nineteenth century: thus, he argues in it that whereas "Today political science is often said to be 'descriptive' or 'empirical,' concerned with facts; political philosophy is called 'normative' because it expresses values. But these terms merely repeat in more abstract form the difference between political science, which seeks agreement, and political philosophy, which seeks the best" (6). Furthermore, according to Mansfield, when we talk about the difference between political philosophy and political science, we are actually talking about two distinct kinds of political philosophy, one modern and the other ancient. The only way to understand modern political science and its ancient alternative fully, he stresses, is to enter the history of political philosophy, and to study the tradition handed down over the centuries: "No one can count himself educated who does not have some acquaintance with this tradition. It informs you of the leading possibilities of human life, and by giving you a sense of what has been tried and what is now dominant, it tells you ''where we are now'' in a depth not available from any other source" (7–8). Although modern political science feels no obligation to look at its roots, and might even denigrate the subject as if it could not be of any real significance, he says, "our reasoning shows that the history of political philosophy is required for understanding its substance" (7–8). JEFFERSON LECTURE On , 2007 , at the Warner Theatre , Washington, D.C. , ''neh.gov'' ( NEH ), accessed June 16 , 2007 . Concerning links made between the political views of Leo Strauss and the '' staff writer Philip Kennicott observes that Much nonsense has been written on Strauss's political thought—often caricatured as crudely anti-democratic, obsessed with secret meanings and in love with white lies told by powerful men to keep the rabble in line. Some have suggested a dark cabal of Straussian intellectuals secretly pull the strings of the Bush administration—which is ridiculous: The mistakes and false suppositions that led us into the , 2007 . After noticing that Mansfield "didn't mention The War , which is the big embarrassment to proponents of Manliness key concept for Mansfield and subject of his book of that title and powerful executives and especially to neoconservatives (who adore Mansfield)," Kennicott concludes: It is the elephant in the room at every gathering of conservative intellectuals today, the thing that threatens to undo all their arguments and credibility. Mansfield, who defines manliness as the willingness to accept, even welcome, big risks, had nothing to say on the biggest gamble in recent American history. A strange omission. OTHER CONTROVERSIES PERTAINING TO MANSFIELD'S WORK AND VIEWS Grade inflation, affirmative action, and the ironic grade Mansfield is well-known for his opposition to '' (Dec. 1997), accessed February 6 , 2007 . is "a student organization dedicated to new technology" at Harvard University . In response to '', June 2 , 2003 , accessed February 6 , 2007 . Mansfield himself has joked that his middle initial "C." stands for compassion: "That's what I lack when it comes to grading." Defense of the "strong executive" Mansfield has argued that the President of the United States has "extra-legal powers such as commanding the military, making treaties (and carrying on foreign policy), and pardoning the convicted, not to mention a veto of legislation," observing that the U.S. Constitution does not ask the President to take an oath to execute the laws, but rather, to execute "the ''office'' of the president, which is larger."Harvey Mansfield, "The Law and the President: In a National Emergency, Who You Gonna Call?" '''', May 9 , 2007 , accessed June 3 , 2007 . SEE ALSO REFERENCES EXTERNAL LINKS
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