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.]] extensively in its facade.]] Following the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini 's regime initiated a dramatic reversal of the pro-Western foreign policy pursued by the regime it overthrew, particularly its orientation toward the West. Since then Iran has osilated between the two opposing tendencies of revolutionary ardour and pragamistism. Iran's initial post-revolutionary idealistic and hard-line foreign policy and ambitious goals during the Iran-Iraq War were replaced by more pragmatic policies after the Imam's death in 1989. Under the Presidency of Ahmedinejad, Iran has returned to Islamic revolutionary policies. In recent years Iran has improved relations with its non-revolutionary-Islamic neighbours, particularly Saudi Arabia . In broad terms, Iran's foreign policy emphasizes three main guidelines:
Despite these guidelines, however, bilateral relations are sometimes confused and contradictory, due to Iran's oscillation between pragmatic and ideological concerns. =History= REVOLUTION PERIOD UNDER IMAM KHOMEINI During the reign of the Imam Khomeini Iran's foreign policy often emphaszed the spread of Islamic Revolution rather than state-state relations or the furthering of trade. In the words of Khomeini We shall export our revolution to the whole world. Until the cry `There is no God but God` resounds over the whole world, there will be struggle.' [11 February 1979 p.108 from ''Excerpts from Speeches and Messages of Imam Khomeini on the Unity of the Muslims'', undated, distributed by the Ministry of Islamic Guidance, Tehran, (quoted in Wright, Robin, Sacred Rage, (2001), p.27) The Islamic Republic's effort to spread the revolution is thought to have gotten underway in ernest in March 1982 when 380 men from more than 25 Arab and Islamic nations, met at the former Tehran Hilton Hotel for a "seminar" on the "ideal Islamic government," and less academically the launching of a large-scale offensive to cleanse the Islamic world of the Satanic Western and Communist influences that were seen to be hindering the Islamic world's progress. The gathering of primarily Shia, but including some Sunnis militants, "with various religious and revolutionary credentials," was hosted by the Association of Militant Clerics and the Pasdaran Islamic Revolutionary Guards.Wright, Robin, ''Sacred Rage'', (2001), p.28 The the nerve center of the revolutionary crusade, operational since shortly after the 1979 revolution, was located in downtown Tehran and known to outsiders as the "Taleghani Center." At this headquarters groundwork for the gathering was prepared - the use of Arab cadre, recruited or imported from surrounding countries, to spread the revolution - and headquarters for groups such as Islamic Front for the Liberation of Bahrain, Iraqi Shia movement, and militant clerics of the Moros of the Philippines, Kuwaiti, Saudi, North African and Lebanon. These groups came under the umbrella of the `Council for the Islamic Revolution` which was supervised by Ayatollah Hussein Ali Montazeri , the designated heir of Ayatollah Khomeini. Most of the council's members were clerics, but they also reportedly included advisors from the Syrian and Libyan intelligence agencies. The council reportedly received more than $1 billion annually - contributions from the faithful in other countries as well as Iranian government allocations. Wright, Robin, ''Sacred Rage'', (2001), p.33 A two-pronged strategy - armed struggle against what were perceived as Western imperialism and its agents; and a purifying process internally to free Islamic territory and Muslim minds of non-Islamic cultural, intellectual and spiritual influences by providing justice, services, resources to the ''mustazafin'' (weak) masses of the Muslim world. These attempts to spread its Islamic revolution strained the country's relations with many of its Arab neighbors and the execution of several radical Iranian dissidents in Europe unnerved European nations, particularly France and Germany. At this time, Iran found itself very isolated, but this was secondary to the spread of revolutionary ideals spread across the Persian Gulf and the confrontation with the U.S., or "Great Satan," in the Hostage Crisis . Training volunteers Arab and other Muslim volunteers who came to Iran were trained in camps run by the Revolutionary Guards. There were three primary bases in Tehran, and in Ahwaz, Isfahan, Qom, Shiraz, Mashad, and in a facility converted in 1984 near the southern naval base at Bushire.Wright, Robin, ''Sacred Rage'', (2001), p.34-5 In 1981 , Iran supported an attempt to overthrow the Bahrain i government. In 1983 , Iran expressed political support for Shi'ites who bombed Western embassies in Kuwait , and in 1987 , Iranian pilgrims rioted at poor living conditions and treatment and were consequently massacred during the Hajj (pilgrimage) in Mecca , Saudi Arabia. Nations with strong fundamentalist movements, such as Egypt and Algeria , also began to mistrust Iran. With the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, Iran was thought to be supporting the creation of the Hizballah organization. Furthermore, Iran went on to oppose the Arab-Israeli peace process, because it saw Israel as an illegal country. Lebanon Around June 1982, Iran dispatched more than 1000 Revolutionary Guards to the predominately Shi'ite Bekaa Valley of Lebanon. There they established themselves, taking over the Lebanese Army's regional headquarters in the Sheikh Abdullah barracks, as well as a modern clinic renamed `Hospital Khomeini` and the Hotel Khayyam. Pasdaran were active in many places, including schools, where they propagated Islamic doctrine. Wright, Robin, ''Sacred Rage'', (2001), p.80-1 From this foothold, the Islamic Republic helped organize one of its biggest successes, the Hezbollah militia, party and social services organization loyal to the Khomeini principle of Guardianship (i.e. Rule) Of The Islamic Jurists (Velayat-e-Faqih), and loyal to Khomeini as their leader. An open letter, The Hizballah program Over the next seven years Iran is estimated to have spent an estimated $5 to $10 million US dollars per month as Hezbollah became more self-sufficent. Jaber, Hala, ''Hezbollah : Born with a vengeance,'' Columbia University Press, c1997, p.150 As Hussein Musawi, a militia commander of Amal mliitia who quit Amal and joined Hezbollah put it: We are her {Link without Title} children. We are seeking to formulate an Islamic society which in the final analysis will produce an Islamic state. ... The Islamic revolution will march to liberate Palestine and Jerusalem, and the Islamic state will then spread its authority over the region of which Lebanon is only a part.` ''Monday Morning magazine'', Oct. 31, 1983 Iran-Iraq War Relations with Iraq had never been good historically; however, they took a turn for the worse in 1980 , when Iraq Invaded Iran . The stated reason for Iraq's invasion was centered around sovereignty over the waterway between the two countries, the Shatt Al-Arab . However, other non-stated reasons are probably more convincing. Iran and Iraq had a history of interference in each other's affairs by supporting separatist movements. Although these interferences had stopped since the Algiers Agreement (1975), Iran resumed support for Kurdish guerrillas in Iraq after the Revolution. Iran demanded the withdrawal of Iraqi troops from Iranian territory and the return to the status quo ante for the Shatt al-Arab, as established under the 1975 Algiers Agreement signed by Iraq and Iran. This period saw Iran become even more isolated—with virtually no allies. Exhausted by the war, Iran signed UN Security Council Resolution 598 in July 1988 after the United States and Germany began supplying Iraq with chemical weapons. The cease-fire, resulting from the UN Resolution, was implemented on August 20 , 1988. Neither nation had made any real gains in the war. It left one million dead and had a dramatic effect on the country's foreign policy. From this point on, the until-then-radical Islamist government recognised that it had no choice but to moderate and rationalise its objectives. This was the beginning of what Anoushiravan Ehteshami calls the ''reorientation'' phase of Iranian foreign policy Post-War period (1988-present) Since the end of the Iran-Iraq war, Iran's new foreign policy (see Introduction ) has had a dramatic effect on its global standing. Relations with the European Union have dramatically improved to the point where Iran is a major oil exporter and trading partner for countries such as Italy , France , and Germany . China and India have also emerged as friends of Iran. Together, these three countries face similar challenges in the global economy as they industrialize and consequently find themselves aligned on a number of issues. Iran maintains regular diplomatic and commercial relations with Russia and the Former Soviet Republics . Both Iran and Russia believe they have important national interests at stake in developments in Central Asia and the Transcaucasus, particularly on energy resources from the Caspian Sea. Russian and other sales of military equipment and technology concern Iran's neighbors and the United States. Significant historical treaties
CURRENT POLICIES OF THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN The Islamic Republic of Iran accords priority to its relations with the other states in the region and with the rest of the Islamic world. This includes a strong commitment to the Organization Of The Islamic Conference (OIC) and the Non-Aligned Movement . Relations with the states of the (Persian) Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), especially with Saudi Arabia , have improved in recent years. However, an unresolved territorial dispute with the United Arab Emirates concerning three islands in the Persian Gulf (see Above ) continues to mar its relations with these states. and Central Asia, whereby it is seeking to capitalise on its central location to establish itself as the political and economic hub of the region. Current disputes
Combatting the flow of illicit drugs Despite substantial interdiction efforts, Iran remains a key transshipment point for Southwest Asian Heroin (primarily from neighboring Afghanistan ) to Europe; domestic consumption of narcotics remains a persistent problem and Iranian press reports estimate that there are at least 1.2 million drug users in the country. Iran has been trying to increase the profile of its anti-drugs campaign abroad, but it is having little success. Most countries support it politically, but refuse Iran the critical equipment and training it needs. Relations with the United States of America and the Member States of the European Union ''Main article:'' U.S.-Iran Relations Relations between Iran and the United States have been disrupted since the revolution in Iran. Iran does not maintain official diplomatic relations with either the United States or Israel , and it views the Middle East Peace Process with skepticism. Iran and the United States do have diplomatic "Interest Sections" in each other's countries, but that's it. Relations between Iran on the one hand and the European Union and its member states on the other hand are slowly but surely increasing in importance, a fact underscored by President Seyed Mohammad Khatami 's visits to Italy , France and Germany in July 2000 and to Austria and Greece in March 2002 , as well as by reciprocal visits of European heads of state and government to Tehran and a lively exchange at ministerial levels. In 2002, the European Union launched negotiations on a Trade and Co-operation Agreement (TCA) with Iran. Parallel to these negotiations, the EU voiced its expectation that the political dialogue with Iran must lead to concrete results in the areas of human rights, efforts to counter terrorism, Iran’s stance on the Middle East peace process and issues associated with the non-proliferation of Weapons Of Mass Destruction . During a joint visit to Tehran in October 2003 , the foreign ministers of France, Germany and the United Kingdom successfully prompted the Iranian government to sign an additional protocol to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and commit itself to fully cooperate with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and voluntarily suspend its Uranium enrichment and processing activities. Regional interference or influence? Patrick Clawson of the Washington Institute For Near East Policy sums up this question best: "A strong sense of history pervades Iran. Many Iranians consider their natural sphere of influence to extend beyond Iran's present borders. After all, Iran was once much larger. Portuguese forces seized islands and ports in the 16th and 17th centuries. In the 19th century, the Russian Empire wrested from Tehran 's control what is today Armenia , Republic Of Azerbaijan , and part of Georgia . Iranian elementary school texts teach about the Iranian roots not only of cities like Baku , but also cities further north like Derbent in southern Russia. The Shah lost much of his claim to western Afghanistan following the Anglo-Iranian war of 1856-1857. Only in 1970 did a UN sponsored consultation end Iranian claims to suzerainty over the Persian Gulf island nation of Bahrain . In centuries past, Iranian rule once stretched westward into modern Iraq and beyond. When the western world complains of Iranian interference beyond its borders, the Iranian government often convinced itself that it is merely exerting its influence in lands that were once its own. Simultaneously, Iran's losses at the hands of outside powers have contributed to a sense of grievance that continues to the present day." MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS The Minister Of Foreign Affairs Of Iran is selected by the President Of Iran . Manouchehr Mottaki is the current acting Iranian Minister of Foreign Affairs. Hamid Reza Assefi is the official spokesman. REFERENCES SEE ALSO
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