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The "Bolivarian Revolution" refers to a mass social movement and political process in Venezuela . Its most prominent leader is Hugo Chávez , the founder of the Fifth Republic Movement and the current President Of Venezuela . The "Bolivarian Revolution" seeks the implementation of Bolivarianism in Venezuela. Proponents of Bolivarianism trace its roots to an avowedly Democratic Socialist interpretation of some ideals of Simón Bolívar , an early 19th century Venezuelan and Latin America n revolutionary leader, prominent in the South American Wars Of Independence . Other historical figures often invoked by Chávez as emblematic of the "Bolivarian Revolution" are Simón Rodríguez (Bolivar's lifelong mentor) and Ezequiel Zamora . IDEOLOGY Chávez is the most prominent exponent of Bolivarianism, which functions as the root ideology of the "Bolivarian Revolution". Chávez has listed a number of ideological streams that he sees as having contributed significantly to Bolivarianism. Chávez asserted in his September 2005 speech at the Bronx 's Latino Pastoral Action Center that Jesus Of Nazareth was a Radical activist who purportedly emphasized and sought redistributive social justice and Democratic Socialism --Chávez has stated that such emphases also characterize Bolivarianism. Chávez has repeatedly claimed that Jesus was a ''social'', as well as an individual, savior and liberator who was active in Class Struggle , Social Justice , and Human Rights both individual and collective. This contrasts greatly with the ideals of the revolution's namesake, making this revolution and the ideology a misnomer. Simón Bolívar was a great admirer of the American Revolution (and a great critic of the French Revolution ), Bolívar described himself in his many letters as a classical " Liberal " and defender of the Free Market economic system. Among the books he traveled with when he wrote the Bolivian Constitution were Montesquieu 's '' Spirit Of The Laws '' and Adam Smith 's '' Wealth Of Nations ''. Bolívar's many speeches and writings reveal him to be an adherent of Limited Government , the Separation Of Powers , Freedom Of Religion , Property rights, and the Rule Of Law . Critics say Chávez has used the Bolivarian Revolution to consolidate his power, nationalize industries, and use the government to change vast aspects of everyday life for Venezuelans.Shifter, Michael. "In Search of Hugo Chávez" . ''Foreign Affairs'', May/June 2006. 85:3U.S. Department of State (December 1, 2005). "The State of Democracy in Venezuela". Accessed 18 June 2006. Chávez' statements on Bolivarian ideology have attracted the ire of some , being described as 'a disgraceful travesty of the Gospel ' by one clergyman present. Chávez's Administration has sought to strengthen the Venezuelan government's control over the nation's vital oil industry while seeking to better redistribute the revenues earned from petroleum exports. Bolivarianism has continually evolved as a coherent ideology since Hugo Chávez was elected president in late 1998. COMPONENTS OF CHáVEZ'S BOLIVARIANISM s'' at the Worker's Day march on January 05 , 2005 in downtown Caracas .]] In recent years, its most significant Political manifestation is in the government of Venezuela's president Hugo Chávez, including changing the 1999 Constitution and Venezuela's name to the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, and other ideas such as the Bolivarian Schools, Bolivarian Circles , and the ''Universidad Bolivariana de Venezuela''. Often, the term ''Bolivarianism'' is used specifically to refer to Chávez's rule. The central points of Bolivarianism, as extolled by Chávez, are: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT INTO A DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST MOVEMENT aspects of Bolivarianism , which were first kindled during his college years, in an address to hundreds of thousands of '' Chavista s'' along Caracas 's Avenida Bolívar on May 16 , 2004 .]] Subsequent to the 2002 Coup Attempt , the attempted Lockout and Work Stoppage by Venezuela's oil industry, and an unsuccessful and internationally verified 2004 Venezuelan Recall Referendum on Chávez's presidency, political and social policies and development popularly associated with the "Bolivarian Revolution" began to accelerate, and involved increased participation by the Venezuelan poor. Following the example of the Cuban Revolution, Chávez began to organize Bolivarian Circles in Venezuelan communities with the purpose of promoting the Revolution. After the Coup , many in the movement, including Chávez himself, began advocating Socialism as being the correct direction that the "Bolivarian Revolution" should progress in. This has historical significance, being the first time since the fall of the Berlin Wall that such a statement of intention has come from a popular leader. Chávez has also stated that we must forget the "ghosts" with which socialism has been associated in the 20th century, developing a new " Socialism Of The 21st Century ". The recent political history of Venezuela has been marked by clashes - often violent - between supporters of Mr. Chávez and his opponents. The Proclamation Of 49 Laws By Chávez in late 2001 under powers granted to him by the country's National Assembly, the supreme legislative power, led to opposition. At the same time, the price of oil, Venezuela's principal export and the main source of government funds, fell, forcing the government to sharply curtail spending, which led to a decline in support for the government amongst Venezuela's poor, who make up the majority of voters. The resulting political tension that ensued led to an increasingly tense political situation in the country, that culminated in the violent attempted coup of 11 April 2002. Chávez returned to the presidency on 13 April 2002 and promised national reconciliation, but the president ultimately refused to make concessions on his economic plans. The breakdown in dialogue between the government and the opposition eventually led to the calling of a "national strike" in December 2002, designed to force early presidential elections. As part of the strike, thousands of employees of PDVSA, the state-owned oil company, walked off the job, shutting down oil production in the world's fifth largest oil exporter. The strike was eventually broken by the government in January 2003. As a result of the strike, some 19,000 PDVSA employees were fired. Critics have consistently claimed that PDVSA has failed to return oil production to pre-strike levels. A delayed audited financial statement submitted by PDVSA in October 2005 showed this claim to be false, with oil production returning to pre-strike levels during April 2003, three months after the 2003 opposition strike ended. Following his 2004 referendum victory, Chávez embraced a more concretely Leftist social, economic and foreign policy. Chávez now advocates " Socialism Of The 21st Century " although there is debate among both supporters and critics as to the meaning of such a term. AUTHORITARIAN VERSUS DEMOCRATIC There is an ongoing debate about whether Hugo Chávez has rescued Venezuela from the corruption of the Pacto De Punto Fijo , or if he has damaged the very foundations of the nation’s democracy. The Authoritarian Position See Also: Criticism of Hugo Chávez Some believe that there is too much power in Chávez's hands. Some scholars perceive Chávez’s new constitution as contradictory and authoritarian. Although it is comprehensive in it sections concerning human rights, some argue that the strength and power that is given to the highest branch of the government could violate human rights anyhow. Also, Chávez’s new Constitution allows the president to be in office considerably, which some argue supports authoritarianism. The most disturbing element of the Constitution to some is that it only expects that the military be nonpartisan and compliant. This is interpreted by some to mean that the army could have major role in society and the state. Scholars also criticize the manner in which Chávez gained power and his conduct just after his election. When Chávez organized a new constituent assembly, some perceived his real motivation was not to create a more democratic nation, but merely to settle the score with Venezuela’s traditional political parties and to remove them from all positions of influence. These scholars view Chávez’s attempt to overthrow the government in 1992 as equal to the corruption of the traditional parties, which seized power by military intervention in 1945, and disbanded Venezuela’s Congress and Supreme Court. Furthermore, Chávez’s use of inflammatory and exclusionary language against his opponents mimics the more authoritarian qualities of the traditional Venezuelan political leaders. The Democratic Stance On the other hand, some argue that Chávez is the protector of democracy. In their view, although Chávez's government does emphasize the mobilization of the masses and confrontational speeches, Chávez cannot be equated to fascism since his ideology is left wing and egalitarian. Others are more pronounced in their views that Chávez is a benefit to democracy. These people believe that Chávez liberated Venezuela from the corruption of the Pacto De Punto Fijo and that he stands for a much needed deep transformation in Venezuelan society. They perceive that since Chávez does not belong to any particular political body, he is more capable to meet the interests of Venezuelans. While some label Chávez as an “authoritarian nationalist” similar to Gamal Abdul Nasser of Egypt, others compare him to a “neopopulist” similar to Alberto Fujimori . However, some perceive Chávez’s democratic rise to power, and the new constitution, which outlines new democratic procedures, as evidence to make comparisons with Nasser and Fidel Castro and other leaders of neo-liberal states invalid. Some critics of Chávez compare him to Fujimori but this comparison is also incorrect because unlike Fujimori, Chávez has an independent foreign policy, a radical discourse, and he did not endorse massive privatization. While those who argue that Chávez is too authoritarian in his policies, others praise him for his abstinence from using force against demonstrations that demanded his removal from presidency. WOMEN IN THE "BOLIVARIAN REVOLUTION" Chávez sought the opinions of women in the drafting of the 1999 Bolivarian Constitution. Women of various socio-economic backgrounds were involved in the drafting of portions of the Constitution including former guerilla fighters, professionals, housewives and members from Women’s organizations such as Women for Venezuela and United Women Leaders. It discusses sexual discrimination, sexual harassment and domestic violence. It recognizes domestic housework ‘as an economically productive activity’ thus entitling housewives to social benefits (Article 88). In most countries, domestic work does not have economic value (with exceptions such as Germany ). Furthermore, the Constitution explicitly states women’s position in society as well as removes class distinctions. Aside from drafting the Constitution, women have also lent their hand in formulating legislation about health care, education, the environment and indigenous and reproductive rights. The Women's Development Bank , also referred to as Banmujer, attempts to empower women politically, economically and socially. Women’s organizations such as INAMUJER , have also played a role in the "Bolivarian Revolution". It performs functions such as educating women about what their political rights are and how to defend them. It also informs women about their sexual reproductive rights and how to prevent abuse against women. It provides telephone hotlines for victims of abuse to report crimes as well as shelters, such as Casa de Abrigo for victims of spousal abuse. INAJUMER also attempts to mobilize marginalized women into their organizations and involve them in the political discourse. RACISM IN VENEZUELA Racism in Venezuela During the Colonial Period Over three centuries, about 100, 000 slaves aged 15-20 were brought over to Venezuela. Slaves were treated inhumanely -- they were rubbed with coconut oil to give them a black shine so as to attract slave buyers. Also, their mouths were forced open to inspect their teeth before being purchased, something similarly done to horses. The theologians of the Spanish empire legitimized the slave trade through the Bible – suggesting that Blacks find their origins in Ham who came from a light skinned ancestry but was born dark skinned. Ham symbolized the impression the Spaniards had of the slaves– drunk, and ignoble. Therefore, it was easy to blame those of African descent for society’s troubles; the indigenous peoples were also blamed. The Royal Certificate of Special Dispensation of 1795 allowed those of mixed race to purchase the classification of being “white.” However, there was strong opposition by the white criollos. The whites feared social and economic equality among the races. The large cacao plantations they had come to own represented a large source of their wealth. These plantations had been developed through slave labour and indigenous servitude. Therefore equality among the races would mean the abolishment of slave labour, and indigenous servitude and thus the abolishment of plantations. The African slave trade ended in 1797 however, it did not abolish servitude among the Afro-Venezuelans and the indigenous. In later years, a national identity of a “mixed” race known as mestizo was formed. The mestizo identity was a way to marginalize the Afro-Venezuelans and the indigenous because now their race was no longer recognized. Simply, it was a way to exclude an entire social class of Afro-Venezuelans and indigenous people. The result for the indigenous was that they lost their rights to their land. Marginalization of Afro-Venezuelans Under the new Bolivarian constitution, drafted in 1999, indigenous Venezuelans’ rights were recognized. For example, Article 121 of the constitution states: “Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain and develop their ethnic and cultural entity, worldview, values, spirituality, and sacred places of worship. The state shall promote the appreciation and dissemination of the cultural manifestations of the indigenous peoples, who have the right to their own education and an education system of an intercultural and bilingual nature, taking into account their special social and cultural characteristics, values, and traditions.” Although Hugo Chávez is considered to be partly of African descent, Afro-Venezuelans continue to be marginalized and have yet to be recognized or mentioned in anyway under the Bolivarian constitution. Role of Social Groups in the Bolivarian Movement Afro-Venezuelan social groups such as La Red Afro-Venezolana advocate a change of legislation so that Afro-Venezuelans’ rights are legally recognized under the constitution. Groups such as La Red Afro-Venezolana are working toward implementing Afro-Venezuelan education into the educational system, for example. In addition, these grassroots groups state that democracy in Venezuela cannot exist if Afro-Venezuelans are not included in the constitution. Afro-Venezuelans are working toward obtaining their rights through the Bolivarian movement’s concept of participatory democracy. Through participatory democracy, they are able to have a say in policies that affect them. Many Afro-Venezuelans are optimistic about their future under the Bolivarian movement. Other positive steps toward recognition of Afro-Venezuelan rights are conferences that have been held in Venezuela to eradicate racism. For instance, the International Afro-Descendent Conference took place in Caracas, May 6-8, 2005. The conference focused on Latin American unity on this sensitive subject, as well as ways to promote inclusion and visibility of Afro-Venezuelans. POLICIES AND ASPECTS Military’s Role in Social Missions Origins “Go house to house combing the terrain. The enemy. Who is the enemy? Hunger!” (Hugo Chávez, 2005). As a youth, . Once Chávez gained power he began to replace institutionalized civilian control of armed forces with direct presidential control. In 1999 the new constitution expanded military judicial boundaries, and Chávez took ultimate control of the military including promotions of personnel. He quickly appointed officers who supported him in the 1992 coup to prominent positions and the military became a vital force in the government’s social policy. Theoretical Framework and Social Crisis Civil relations theorists have long cautioned of the armed forces partaking in domestic missions in democratic societies. They warn that this participation can politically bolster the military and lead to the overthrow of the government. However, history has shown that military involvement can be conducted without risk to democracy if elected officials who will limit their missions properly supervise it. Such increased military involvement in social missions will occur to compensate for the states inability to provide public services and goods demanded by the people. In addition, it is argued that political intervention by the military is just one outcome of internal conflict induced by crisis. This can be seen in 1999, when Venezuela fell under severe economic crisis. At this time oil prices fell to $7.00 per barrel, even though the budget planned for $14.00. This led to the immediate cut back of oil production, massive external debt, low wages, inflation of over 35% and 20% unemployment. The state weakness induced military immersion in the many domestic affairs and social missions. These missions were a product of the long-term deterioration of institutions of civilian control and short-term upsurges of political crisis involving citizens, and not the armed forces. Another period of crisis hit in 2002. There was a coup attempt; three general strikes, led by emplyers; and the sabotage and shut-down of the oil industry. This limited the resources available for many of the ongoing missions, but also increased military involvement throughout the country. Chávez believes that the perfect government is one that strives to guarantee the greatest degree of happiness for it people. As a reaction to state weakness, Plan Bolivar 2000 was devised to empower the poor, end poverty, and solidify political support. Consequently, Plan Bolivar 2000 began to use the armed forces as servants of the people on February 27, 1999. The Military Of Venezuela , with civilian volunteers flooded the streets and began to work, repair schools, build markets, provide food, and educate the people. Chávez said, “We are going to fill them with bursts of life instead of gunshots of death.” Social justice aspects Venezuela under the Chávez administration has deployed numerous national social welfare programs (''Misiónes'' or "Missions") of massive scale:
In particular, the literacy programs that comprise ''Misión Sucre'' are centered on encouraging and facilitating ordinary Venezuelans' literacy and comprehension of the 1999 Venezuelan Constitution and their inherent human rights as Venezuelan citizens therein. These programs have been criticized as inefficient and incomplete by opposition figures, but are widely heralded and appreciated by Chávez backers and by many international observers. These are just a few of the many missions taking place in Venezuela today. These missions help promote social justice and social welfare. They are anti-poverty and work effectively to promote education and empower the large poor population of Venezuela. They work to refurbish infrastructure and provide health care for the poor. Moreover, they combat illiteracy and unemployment. With regards to the oil price crisis discussed above, by the end of 1999, Chávez was able to raise prices up to $16.00 per barrel, after meeting with OPEC leaders. The military has played a vital role in the building of over 600,000 schools. Also, by the end of 1999 the government more than doubled the health and education budgets. Over 60% of the population is now studying and there are now doctors in villages with medicine, which is free for the people. A scholarship fund has been created where 400,000 people receive $100.00 per month to study. The military’s increased role in domestic social policy has played a large role in the improvement of many of Venezuela’s problems. Chávez sums this up in an interview he gave in January 2003: “All this…would not have happened without the profound contact between the army and the people. That is Mao. The water and the fish. The people are to the army what the water is to the fish. In Venezuela today we have fishes in the water…” Many of these programs involve importing expertise from abroad; Venezuela is providing Cuba with 53,000 barrels of below-market-rate oil a day in exchange for the service of thousands of physicians, teachers, sports trainers, and other skilled professionals.http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/4035787.stm Oil profits -- about 25 billion dollars in 2004 -- allowed the Chávez administration to carry out what he calls a "new socialist revolution." The leftist platform involves a remarkable increase in spending on social programs. The Chávez administration has thus built free health care clinics, subsidized food and created small manufacturing cooperatives. Political scientist Michael Shifter says these projects have galvanized his core supporters -- the poor -- who make up around 60 percent of the country's population. Venezuela has been involved in the purchase of a large number, 300,000, Russian assault rifles as well as military helicopters. As well, "neighborhood defense units" has been established to protect the nation against a purported American invasion. Market socialist aspects addressing Venepal workers during a ceremony celebrating the expropriation decree.]] In 2004, a group of trade unionists occupied the Venepal paper mill, the largest supplier of paper products in Venezuela, and called for its nationalization under workers' control. The company that oversaw the factory had previously been forced to declare bankruptcy as a result of financial losses stemming from its participation in the general lockout in 2003. Workers occupied the factory and restarted production, placing the factory under democratic worker management. Following a failed deal with the prior corporate management and amidst the company's threats to sell off equipment, the Chávez administration Expropriated and Nationalized the Venepal mill and extended a government line of credit to the factory for use in making repairs and installing upgrades. The example of Venepal has inspired many of Chávez's supporters to call for the transformation of the Venezuelan economy to a fully Market Socialist model. However, other Chávez supporters fear that such expropriations would incur retaliation from the United States. Nonetheless the "Bolivarian Revolution" is quickly developing into a socialist movement. A '' n°10, 2006-02-08 RESULTS Domestic convened in Porto Alegre , Brasil .]] The changes brought about by the "Bolivarian Revolution" have altered the economic and cultural landscape of Venezuela. Most notably, although recent economic activity under Chávez has been robust,''Latin Business Chronicle''. (''Latin Business Chronicle'', Oct 2005). "GDP Growth: Venezuela Best" . Retrieved 18 Oct 2005. "Venezuela will likely end the year with an economic expansion of 7.8 percent, the IMF forecasts. ECLAC's forecast is 7.0 percent. However, both figures mark a slowdown compared with last year's growth rate of 17.9 percent, which was Latin America's best performance last year as well." supported mainly by crude oil high prices, per-capita GDP in 2004 has risen over 25% from 1998 levels.https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ve.html#Econhttp://permanent.access.gpo.gov/lps35389/1999/306.htm#econ According to Chávez's administration sources, there have also been significant drops since 1999 in both . According to '' The Boston Globe '', the head of Mission Sucre , a program to provide free and ongoing education, says that “investments in education, health, and infrastructure will have a lasting effect on standard of living”. Data from a private Venezuelan research firm shows the incomes of the “poorest Venezuelans have risen because of subsidies and grants”. The ''Globe'' reports that the government has “subsidized markets in poor neighborhoods that sell staple foods up to 40 percent cheaper than elsewhere.” Low income residents are reportedly living better because of subsidies that boost household income, decrease food costs, and provide access to free schooling and basic medical care. Chavez’s “missions” offer education, aid to the needy, soup kitchens, and medical care.Lakshmanam, Indira A.R. Critics slam Venezuelan oil windfall spending. Boston.com ''Boston Globe'' (13 August 2006). Criticism of domestic effects See Also: Criticism of Hugo Chávez Chávez was first elected on an anti-corruption platform and on promises of redistributing wealth to the poor, but Michael Shifter of Georgetown University 's School of Foreign Service says that "despite record oil profits that are funding social spending, his initiatives have yielded only very modest gains", and ''The Economist'' reports that his policies are most vulnerable in the areas of corruption, jobs and crime.The Economist, (April 20, 2006), "Venezuela: Crimes and misdemeanours". ''The Economist''. Accessed 26 June 2006. During Chávez's presidency from 1999 to 2004, per-capita GDP dropped 1–2%,Economist (June 2003). "Country Briefings: Venezuela Factsheet". ''The Economist''. Accessed June 4, 2003. but with the help of rising oil prices, the end of the oil strike, and strong consumption growth, recent economic activity under Chávez has been robust. GDP growth rates were 18% in 2004,The Economist (Feb 16, 2006), Venezuela: Mission Impossible, ''The Economist'', Retrieved 22 June 2006. 9% in 2005, Imported goods are cheaper, BCV acknowledges. ''El Universal'' (August 9, 2006). and 9.6% in the first half of 2006, with the private sector growing at a 10.3% clip.''Banco Central de Venezuela'' (''BCV'' 15 Aug 2006). Actividad económica crece en 9,6% durante el primer semestre de 2006 Retrieved 16 Aug 2006 "Este resultado, unido al aumento de 9,9% observado en el primer trimestre, ubica el crecimiento del primer semestre en 9,6%." "Desde el punto de vista institucional, el sector público creció en 4,6% y el privado en 10,3%." ""La inversión bruta fija continuó su ritmo expansivo, alcanzando niveles superiores a los observados en toda la serie desde el año 1997." From 2004 to the first half of 2006, non-petroleum sectors of the economy showed growth rates greater than 10%.''El Universal (2006) [http://economia.eluniversal.com/2006/05/18/PIB-TRIMESTRAL-May-2006g.jpg Movimiento del producto interno bruto]. Retrieved 25 Jun 2006 Some economists argue that this subsidized growth could stop if oil prices decline,Bronstein, H. (June 14, 2006), "Colombians in Venezuela thank Chavez for new life", ''Washington Post'', Accessed 22 June 2006. and some social scientists and economists claim that the government's reported poverty figures have not fallen in proportion to the country's vast oil revenues in the last two years. The president of a private Venezuelan research firm which documented 55% real income growth among the poorest sectors of society said that, although his surveys showed rising incomes because of subsidies and grants, the number of people in the worst living conditions has grown. "The poor of Venezuela are living much better lately and have increased their purchasing power . . . without being able to improve their housing, education level, and social mobility," he said. "Rather than help [the poor become stakeholders in the economic system, what government has done is distribute as much oil wealth as possible in missions and social programs."Lakshmanam, Indira A.R. Critics slam Venezuelan oil windfall spending. Boston.com ''Boston Globe'' (13 August 2006). According to government figures, unemployment has dropped by 6.9% since the start of Chávez's presidency.''Instituto Nacional de Estadistica''.(''INE'', Jan 1999) Globales de Fuerza de Trabajo . Retrieved 13 Jun 2006."Taza de Desocupacion 16.6%" ''Instituto Nacional de Estadistica''.(''INE'', April 2006) Globales de Fuerza de Trabajo . Retrieved 13 Jun 2006."Taza de Desocupacion 9.7%" Despite high oil revenues, Venezuela's '', critics say the government defines "informal workers, such as street vendors, as employed, and exclud adults who are studying in missions from unemployment numbers." When the president of the Venezuelan National Statistics Institute released numbers in 2005 which showed that poverty had actually risen by more than 10 points under Chávez (to 53% in 2004), Chávez called for a new measure of poverty, defining a "social well-being index". Under this new definition, poverty registers at 40 percent. The minimum wage in Venezuela in July 2006 covered only 65 percent of the cost of the basic food basket. [http://english.eluniversal.com/2006/08/02/en_eco_art_02A758309.shtml Food basket heightens. ''El Universal'' (August 2, 2006). The government and independent observers refute the charges of economic decline by pointing out that the renewed economic growth of the last two years has brought rapid reductions in poverty, especially when one considers the vast expansion of non-cash income represented by subsidized food distribution and other social programs.Weisbrot, M., Sandoval, L., and Rosnick, D. (2006), "Poverty Rates In Venezuela: Getting The Numbers Right". ''Center for Economic and Policy Research''. Accessed May 31, 2006. At the same time, ' regular cash and in-kind payments to the millions of poor Venezuelans enrolling in their social programs. With many enrollees participating in more than one Mission simultaneously, receiving a steady and unearned income, critics worry that work ethic will be corrupted and enrollees will be predisposed to support and vote for Chávez. Supporters would respond that the opposition was not similarly worried about economic policy influencing political allegiances in the years when the current Venezuelan opposition promoted policies that re-distributed income upward. There have been marked improvements in the infant mortality rate between 1998 and 2005.Central Intelligence Agency. (CIA, 1998). '' The World Factbook 1998: Venezuela. '' Retrieved 18 Oct 2005.Central Intelligence Agency. (CIA, 2005). '' The World Factbook 2005: Venezuela. '' Retrieved 18 Oct 2005. According to Venezuela's ''El Universal'', one of the Chávez administration's outstanding weaknesses is the failure to meet its goals of construction of housing. Chávez promised to build 150,000 houses in 2006, but in the first half of the year, completed only 24 percent of that target, with 35,000 houses. Chávez' Government has built 24 percent of scheduled houses. ''El Universal'' (July 31, 2006). Venezuela's non-traditional exports decreased by 20 percent in the first quarter of 2006. The drop was attributed to uncertain regulations on exports, markets lost because of politics, restrictions on purchasing US dollars, and bureaucratic delays affecting exporters, according to Francisco Mendoza, president of the Venezuelan Exporter's Association (AVEX). Mendoza said Venezuela is losing five large trade partners by withdrawing from the Group Of Three (G-3) and the Andean Community Of Nations (CAN), exchanging them for less valuable markets in the Common Market of the South ( Mercosur ). He says that only 10 percent of AVEX members have been granted certificates to purchase USD dollars needed for exports, and that overvaluation of the Venezuelan bolivar undermines the competitiveness of Venezuelan products abroad. Venezuelan exports plummet 20 percent. ''El Universal'' (July 28, 2006). ISN Security Watch says that, as long Venezuela's military leaders remain loyal to Chávez, they will "receive no oversight from Caracas", resulting in impunity and corruption. Gustavo Coronel, a former member of ,Logan, S. (February 6, 2006). "The Kalashnikov threat in Venezuela". International Relations and Security Network (ISN). Accessed 27 June 2006. and U.S. anti-drug officials allege that corruption within the Chávez administration is converting Venezuela into a trafficking route for Colombian drugs.Goodman, J. ''AP'', "Coca Production Increases in Colombia". ''Washington Post'' (June 20, 2006). Accessed 24 June 2006. Critics also allege widespread corruption in the police force.Reel, M. "Crime Brings Venezuelans Into Streets". ''Washington Post'' (May 10, 2006), p. A17. Accessed 24 June 2006. ''The Economist'' reports that "Mr Chávez has grasped all the powers of state into his own hands, and eliminated all independent oversight of his government. The opposition argues that the inevitable result of this is graft on an increased scale." Berlin-based Transparency International , in its annual survey Corruption Perceptions Index , ranked Venezuela as one of only a dozen countries where perceived corruption had "greatly increased", resulting in a ranking of 130 out of the 150 countries surveyed,The Economist, (Mar 30, 2006), "Venezuela: The sickly stench of corruption. ''The Economist''. Accessed 20 June 2006.Phil Gunson A Question of Graft ''Newsweek International'' Accessed 14 August 2006. to become the nation perceived as the third most corrupt in Latin America, above Paraguay and Haiti. Critics claim that rampant corruption reaches the highest levels of Venezuelan airport and security officials, that billions of dollars have been siphoned away from social programs by corrupt officials, and that leaders of the military have limited oversight, creating an environment in which impunity and corruption develop.Goodman, Joshua. Coca Production Increases in Colombia. ''The Washington Post'' (June 20, 2006). Since he took office, '' reported in 2005 that Venezuela had the highest number of deaths by gunfire per capita in the world,Chicago Tribune (June 12, 2006), "In Venezuela, crime runs 'absolutely out of control' ". Accessed 22 June 2006. garnering for Venezuela claim to the title of the world's most violent crime capital.Reel, M. "Crime Brings Venezuelans Into Streets". ''Washington Post'' (May 10, 2006), p. A17. Accessed 24 June 2006. Critics claim that Chávez's policies are responsible for some of these declines.Corrales, Javier. "Hugo Boss". ''Foreign Policy''. Jan 1, 2006.Reel, M. "Crime Brings Venezuelans Into Streets". ''Washington Post'' (May 10, 2006), p. A17. Accessed 24 June 2006. and the U.S. State Department says there is unchecked concentration of power in the executive. Critics accuse the scholars, the "Bolivarian circles" also help the government identify opponents, who are then denied services.Davis, Bob. "Move Over, Che: Chavez Is New Icon of Radical Chic." ''Wall Street Journal'' (Eastern edition). New York, N.Y.: Jun 16, 2006. p. A1. According to an article in ''Foreign Policy Magazine'', "On average, Chávez shuffles more than half of his cabinet every year." During his presidency, Chávez has had six Ministers of Interior and Justice. In August 2006, following assaults on a squatter and a National Assembly member, ''El Universal'' says that Chávez called on the latest Minister, Jesse Chacón to quit if he could not do the job, demanding more rigor in the fight against corruption, and affirming the need to clean up and transform the local police forces. He questioned the impunity that exists in the country, and challenged authorities, like Chacón, to resign if they couldn't make progress against crime. He also called for greater protection of squatters settling on landed estates.Diaz, Sara Carolina. Chávez exige acabar con latifundios. ''El Universal'' (7 August 2006). Some criticism has come from Chávez's supporters. Chávez's own political party, Fifth Republic Movement (MVR), has been criticized as being riddled with the same cronyism, political patronage, and corruption that Chávez alleged were characteristic of the old "Fourth Republic" political parties. Venezuela's trade unionists and indigenous communities have participated in peaceful demonstrations intended to impel the government to speed up labor and land reforms. These communities, while largely expressing their sympathy and support for Chávez, criticize what they see as Chávez's slow progress in protecting their interests against managers and mining concerns, respectively.Fuentes, F. (2005), ''Venezuela Analysis'', "Challenges for Venezuela's Workers’ Movement". ''Venezuela Analysis''. Accessed 15 February 2006.Márquez, H. ''Venezuela Analysis'' (2005), "Venezuela's Indigenous Peoples Protest Coal Mining". ''Inter Press Service''. Accessed 2 February 2006.Parma, A. ''Venezuela Analysis'' (2005a), "Pro-Chavez Union Leaders in Venezuela Urge Chavez to Do Better". ''Venezuela Analysis''. Accessed 26 January 2006. Farmers have protested about the lack of a consistent policy addressing prices, smuggling, insecurity and crime. Farmers' protests escalate. ''El Universal'' (August 3, 2006). Left wing parties have also been very critical of Chavez as the main left wing parties do not support Chavez, and never did. MAS (Movement towards Socialism) MIR (Revolutionary Left Movement), CR (Radical Cause) have been very critical towards Chavez. Foreign affairs The "Bolivarian Revolution" under Chávez has also refocused Venezuelan Foreign Policy on Latin America n economic and social integration by enacting bilateral trade and reciprocal aid agreements, including his so-called "oil diplomacy". Chávez regularly portrays his movement's objectives as being in intractable conflict with '' Neocolonialism '' and Neoliberalism . As a result of his Anti-capitalist and Redistributive domestic policies combined with his strong relations with Cuba 's Fidel Castro and other controversial figures, Venezuela-U.S. relations have deteriorated in recent years. Chávez has also made a policy of spreading his ideas around the world and funding groups such as the International Bolivarian Circles and reaching out to Iran, Syria and Zimbabwe in the form of visits, symbolic acts and numerous trade agreements. Perhaps he is best known on the diplomatic scene for systematically opposing the United States numerous times. Criticism of foreign policy See Also: Criticism of Hugo Chávez '' discussion panel has said that Chávez's actions are "hurtful to Venezuela's democracy" and that he is "making all types of unfounded allegations about what the U.S. is up to in Venezuela."Suarez, R. U.S.-Venezuelan Tensions Persist. ''PBS''. Accessed 23 May 2006. Chávez's trips abroad have also caused some criticism within his own coalition. For example, in July 2006 the reports that Chávez has spent 365 days abroad since taking office. ''.The Christian Science Monitor. "Venezuela accuses US of 'double standard' on terrorism". Retrieved August 5, 2006. However, U.S. officials acknowledge that there is no evidence of Chavez engaging directly in terrorism.Kraul, Chris. (''LA Times'', 25 Jun 2006). "U.S. Eyes Venezuela-Iran Commercial Alliance". Retrieved 25 Jun 2006. Critics say that Chávez's large purchases of military hardware are for reasons other than the defence of his country in the event of the "imminent US invasion", which he has repeatedly claimed will take place and which has used as a reason to justify these large transactions. Colombian military analyst Alfredo Rangel says that Chávez's new civil reserve defense force, claimed to consist of approximately two million members, may be intended to intimidate domestic opponents and suppress internal dissent, dismissing the possibility of a U.S. invasion. Chávez government officials respond that the reserve is similar to civilian reserves and forces in many nations, including the United States.Ceaser, M. (''BBC'', 1 Jul 2005). "Chavez's 'citizen militias' on the march". Retrieved 27 June 2006. On August 3 , 2006 Chávez ordered the Venezuelan Charge D'affaires to Israel, to return from Tel Aviv to Caracas , protesting the 2006 Israel-Lebanon Conflict . The Israeli Government responded by recalling the Israeli ambassador to Venezuela. Israel is not informed about Venezuela's plans to break off relations. ''El Universal'' (August 9, 2006).Haaretz.com. ADL: Chavez comparison of IDF and Hitler is outrageous. ''Haaretz service'' (August 8, 2006). Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesman Mark Regev responded, "As an act of protest against the one-sided policy of the president of Venezuela and in light of his wild slurs against the state of Israel and in response to the recall of the Venezuelan charge d'affaires to his country, Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni decided to bring our ambassador in Venezuala back temporarily for consultations."Mather, S. ''VenezuelaAnalysis.com'' (August 8, 2006). Israel Withdraws its Ambassador for Venezuela. ''VenezuelaAnalysis.com''. CNSNews says that critics of Israel, many of them in the Arab world, hailed Chávez in his dealings with Israel.Goodenough, Patrick. Critics of Israel Hail Hugo Chavez. CNSNews.com (7 August 2006). ''Al-Ahram Weekly'' commented, "it was somehow ironic that Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, following his attack on Israel and the recalling of his ambassador to Tel Aviv, emerged as the most popular leader within the Arab world." Resounding failure. ''Al-Ahram'' (10 - 16 August 2006 Issue No. 807) The Syrian communist party urged Arab governments to "follow the example of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chávez”. Syrian communists urge Arab leaders to copy Venezuela’s protest against Israel. ''Khaleej Times'' (August 4, 2006). President Chávez's has made a number of trips to accused Chávez of not reporting his trip to Libya and hiding it under a tour of Europe and Africa.El Universal (16 Oct 2001). Presidente 'trampeó' a la AN, según Mujica. Accessed 1 July 2006. Venezuela's former ambassador to Libya Julio César Pineda said in 2003 that Chávez was coordinating an anti-American strategy with terrorist states following his visit to Libya,El Universal (21 Feb 2003). Diplomático denuncia plan Chávez-Gaddafi. Accessed 1 July 2006. but today, Libya is moving closer to alignment with the United States at a time that Chávez is setting himself up as South America's leading anti-American.Williams, Daniel. Lack of Surprise Greets Word of U.S.-Libya Ties. ''Washington Post'' (May 16, 2006), p. A12.MSNBC.com. Venezuela’s Chavez meets with Gadhafi in Libya: Meeting comes as leaders move on opposite trajectories in U.S. relations. ''Associated Press'' (May 17, 2006). President Chávez has developed strong ties with the government of commented that, given the political strategy of President Chávez in relation to Iran, "Venezuela has become a negative force in the region". EE.UU. preocupado por Venezuela. ''BBCMundo.com (14 Mar 2005).'' Accessed 1 July 2006. 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