| May 13 Incident |
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The May 13 Incident is a term for the Chinese - Malay Race Riot s in Kuala Lumpur , Malaysia , on May 13 , 1969 . The riots continued for a substantial period of time, and the government declared a state of national emergency, suspending Parliament until 1971. Officially, 196 people were killed as a result of the riots between May 13 and July 31, although journalists and other observers have given much higher figures. The government cited the riot as the main cause of its more aggressive Affirmative Action policies, such as the New Economic Policy (NEP), after 1969. The riot has also since been used in election campaigns and political rallies, typically to browbeat Chinese opposition into accepting government policies. CAUSES OF THE RIOT On formation in 1963, Malaysia suffered from a sharp division of wealth between the Chinese, who were perceived to control a large portion of the Malaysian economy, and the Malays, whom some perceived to be more poor and rural. However, it was foreign individuals and organisations, and not the Chinese, who held the largest portion of total corporate equity in the country. 1964 Race Riots in Singapore were a large contributing factor in the Expulsion Of That State from Malaysia , and racial tension continued to simmer, many Malays dissatisfied by their newly independent government's perceived willingness to placate the Chinese at their expense. Politics in Malaysia at this time were catered directly to Malays, who were the majority, and the " Bumiputra ". The causes of the rioting can be analysed to have the same root as the 1964 Race Riots in Singapore . In addition, Malay leaders who were angry about the election results used the press to attack their opponents, contributing to raising public anger and tension among the Malay and Chinese communities. SINGAPOREAN PRELUDE In the afternoon of 21 July 1964, over 20,000 Malays and Muslims had assembled at the Padang to celebrate the birthday of Prophet Muhammad. The celebration was an annual affair. Something different happened that year. Leaflets calling on Malays to destroy the PAP government were distributed earlier. Even the Yang Di Pertuan Negara, Yusof Ishak, was jeered at by some organisations during his speech. As part of the celebrations, contingents from the various organisations and societies were to march from the Padang to Lorong 12, Geylang. Along the way, near Kallang, a clash between a Chinese policeman and a group of Malays sparked off the 1964 race riots. Singapore was put under a curfew that allowed people to leave their houses only at certain times of the day. When the curfew was lifted on 2 August 1964, 23 people had lost their lives while another 454 people had been injured. It is speculated that the riots were not spontaneous expressions of bad feelings between the races but rather were deliberately started by rumours, exaggerations and lies that were created to arouse racial and religious hatred among the Malays. By putting the blame for the riots on the Singapore government, it was hoped that the Singapore Malays would gather around Malaysia's government UMNO for protection. MAY 1969 RIOTS In the s, later alleged to symbolise the sweeping out of the Malays from Kuala Lumpur, while others chanted slogans about the "sinking" of the Alliance boat — the coalition's logo. Al-Mukmin, Hatta (2005). ''"Keranamu UMNO"'', p. 104. Abadi Publishing House. ISBN 983-2215-00-5. While the Gerakan party issued an apology the next day, UMNO announced a counter-procession, which would start from the Selangor Chief Minister Harun Bin Idris ' home in Jalan Raja Muda. Tunku Abdul Rahman would later call the retaliatory parade "''inevitable, as otherwise the party members would be demoralised after the show of strength by the Opposition and the insults that had been thrown at them.''" Shortly before the procession began, the gathering crowd was reportedly informed that Malays on their way to the procession had been attacked by Chinese in Setapak, several miles to the north. The angry protestors swiftly wreaked revenge by killing two passing Chinese motorcyclists, and the riot began. During the course of the riots, the loudspeakers of Mosque s were used to urge the rioters to continue in their actions. The riot ignited the capital Kuala Lumpur and the surrounding state of Selangor, but except for minor disturbances in Melaka the rest of the country stayed calm. A nationwide State Of Emergency and accompanying Curfew were declared on May 16 , but the curfew was relaxed in most parts of the country for two hours on May 18 and not enforced even in central Kuala Lumpur within a week. According to police figures, 196 people died Hwang, p. 72. , 149 were wounded and many women were raped. 753 cases of Arson were logged and 211 vehicles were destroyed or severely damaged. An estimated 6,000 Kuala Lumpur residents — 90% of them Chinese — were made homeless. Various other casualty figures have been given, with one thesis from a UC Berkeley academic putting the total dead at ten times the government figure. Hwang, p. 88. FOREIGN VIEWS British, American, Australian and New Zealand diplomats believed that the riots had a political rather than a religious origin. They generally agreed that the riots were the result of several months of criticisms by UMNO on the PAP government. W.B.Prichett, the Australian Deputy High Commissioner then, noted: "...there can be no doubt that UMNO was solely responsible for the riots. Its members ran the communal campaign or allowed it to happen." REPERCUSSIONS OF THE RIOT Immediately after the riot, the government assumed emergency powers and suspended Parliament , which would only reconvene again in 1971. It also suspended the press and established a National Operations Council. The NOC's report on the riots stated, "''The Malays who already felt excluded in the country's economic life, now began to feel a threat to their place in the public services,''" and implied this was a cause of the violence. The riot led to the expulsion of Malay nationalist Mahathir Mohamad from UMNO and propelled him to write his seminal work '' The Malay Dilemma '', in which he posited a solution to Malaysia's racial tensions based on aiding the Malays economically through an Affirmative Action programme. Tunku Abdul Rahman resigned as Prime Minister in the ensuing UMNO power struggle, the new perceived 'Malay-ultra' dominated government swiftly moving to placate Malays with the Malaysian New Economic Policy (NEP), enshrining Affirmative Action policies for the '' Bumiputra '' (Malays and other indigenous Malaysians). Many of Malaysia's draconian press laws, originally targeting racial incitement, also date from this period. The National Security Commission published an official report about the incident on October 9 1969 , pointing the finger at the Malayan Communist Party and illegal Chinese gangs for causing the riots. The '' Rukunegara '', the de facto Malaysian pledge of allegiance, is another reaction to the riot. The pledge was introduced on August 31 , 1970 as a way to foster unity among Malaysians. POLITICAL REFERENCES The May 13 incident is raised during general election years to imply possible negative consequences to other ethnic groups if they fail to vote for the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition. However, as the people who lived through the incident are replaced by post 1969 citizens, many believe that there is less to be gained from such statements. In 2004, during the UMNO general assembly Badruddin Amiruldin , the current deputy permanent chairman, waved a book on May 13 during his speech and stated "No other race has the right to question our privileges, our religion and our leader". He also stated that doing so would be similar to "stirring up a hornet's nest". The next day, Dr Pirdaus Ismail of the UMNO Youth was quoted as saying "Badruddin did not pose the question to all Chinese in the country ... Those who are with us, who hold the same understanding as we do, were not our target. In defending Malay rights, we direct our voice at those who question them." Deputy Internal Security Minister Noh Omar dismissed the remarks as a lesson in history and said that Badruddin was merely reminding the younger generation of the blot on the nation's history. SEE ALSO NOTES AND REFERENCES Other references
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