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The Second Chechen War is part of an ongoing conflict in the Chechen Republic ( Chechnya ) and Russia . The issue at hand is the degree of Autonomy Chechnya should enjoy with respect to Russian rule—whether Chechnya should remain within the Russian Federation or whether it should form an Independent nation. Although most major combat took place from 1999 to 2002 , violence continues to flare up to the present day. CASAULTIES Official figures These figures are not confirmed by serious academic sources or researches. The official According to the latest figures released by the Russian Defence Ministry on August 10 , 2005, 3,450 Russian Army soldiers have been Killed In Action since 1999. This death toll does not include losses of the Internal Troops , Federal Security Service , Militsiya and all Paramilitaries , and according to the figure cited by Interfax in March 2006 more than 1,000 Chechen Policemen alone have been killed since 1999. On The Chechen Separatist sources cite figures of some 250,000 Civilians , and up to 50,000 Russian Servicemen , killed during the 1994-2003 period. The Rebel side acknowledged about 5,000 Combatant s killed as of 1999-2004, mostly in the initial phases of the war. Independent estimates Civilian casualty estimates vary widely, but many say about 80,000 civilians - 40 percent of them children - died in the first Chechen war. Many more have been killed since the conflict exploded again in 1999.
HISTORICAL BASIS OF THE CONFLICT The Russian Terek Cossack Host was established in Lowland Chechnya in 1577 by free Cossacks who were resettled from the Volga to the Terek River . In 1783 , Russia and the eastern Georgia n kingdom of Kartl-Kakheti signed the Treaty Of Georgievsk , under which Kartl-Kakheti became a Russian protectorate. To secure communications with Georgia and other regions of the Transcaucasia , the Russian Empire began spreading her influence into the mountains of the Caucasus , starting the Caucasus War in 1817 . Russian forces first moved into Highland Chechnya in 1830 ; conflict in the area lasted until 1859 . Many troops from the Annexed states of the Caucasus fought unsuccessfully against Russia in the Russo-Turkish War ( 1877 – 1878 ). Following the Russian Revolution Of 1917 , Chechens established a short-lived Independent State , comprising parts of Dagestan and Ingushetia and opposed by both sides of the Russian Civil War ; it was crushed by Bolshevik troops in 1922 . Then, months before the creation of the Soviet Union , the Chechen Autonomous Oblast of RSFSR was established; it annexed a part of territory of the Terek Cossack Host that was also liquidated by the Bolsheviks. Eventually, Chechnya and neighbouring Ingushetia became the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in 1936 . During World War II Chechens were accused by Stalin of aiding Nazi forces. In 1944 , Stalin deported Nearly All The Chechens And Ingushs to Kazakh SSR and Kirghiz SSR , and Siberia . About quarter to half of the Population perished in the process . After the death of Stalin, Khrushchev allowed them to return in 1957 , and their republic was reinstated. First Chechen War Coinciding with the Dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 , Chechnya declared Independence from the Russian Federation . From 1991 to 1994, as many as 300,000 people of non-Chechen ethnicity (mostly Russians) fled the republic; the Chechen industry began failing after Russian engineers and workers were expelled from the Chechen Republic Ichkeria . Simmering debate over independence ultimately led to Civil War in 1993 . The First Chechen War began in 1994 , when Russian forces entered Chechnya to restore "constitutional order" and central rule. Following a 1996 Ceasefire agreement, Russian troops were withdrawn from Chechnya. The 1997 election of separatist President Aslan Maskhadov led to turbulence within the country and, despite early recognition and the 1997 Moscow Peace Treaty , a chilly relationship with Moscow continued. In May 1998 , Valentin Vlasov, a personal envoy of Boris Yeltsin , was kidnapped; he was released on November 13 . Further tensions arose in January and February of 1999 as Maskhadov announced that Islamic Sharia law would be introduced in Chechnya over the course of three years. In March of that year, General Gennadiy Shpigun, the Kremlin's envoy to Chechnya, was Kidnapped at the airport and ultimately killed. At the same time, Maskhadov himself survived several Assassination attempts. IMMEDIATE CAUSES Terrorist activity in 1996-1999 Despite the signing of the 1996-1997 peace agreements the pro-Chechen Terrorist activity in Russia continued.
Additionally, numerous acts of violence were reported in the self-governing Chechnya itself. This peaked on July 16 , 1998, fighting broke out in Gudermes and over 50 people were reported killed in a battle between Maskhadov's National Guard led by Sulim Yamadayev and radical Wahhabi militants. On June 21 , the Chechen security chief, Lecha Khulygov, and a guerrilla commander, Vakha Dzhafarov, fatally shot each other in an argument. Kidnapping -for-ransom flourished. On October 25 , Shadid Bargishev, the top anti-kidnapping Official , was killed in a remote-controlled Car Bomb ing; he was about as to begin a major offensive on Hostage takers. On December 10 , Mansur Tagirov, Chechnya's top Prosecutor , disappeared while returning to Grozny . On several occasions, Russian Special Forces raided Chechen territory. Conflict in Dagestan In August and September of 1999, Shamil Basayev (who served as Commander of the Chechen Armed Forces in 1996 and was a Minister of Chechen Government) led two incursions by 1,200-2000 Chechen, Dagestani, Arab and Kazakh militants from Chechnya into the neighbouring in Republic Of Dagestan in order to help local Islamic Fundamentalist s who were under attack by federal forces in the in the villages of Kadar, Karamakhi and Chabanmakhi. Several hundred people were killed in the fighting; federal side admitted 272 killed and approximately 893 wounded. The conlict saw the first use of aerial-delivered Fuel Air Explosives (FAE) against populated areas, especially on the village of Tando. The Russian government followed up with a bombing campaign in the areas of southeastern Chechnya that were seen as staging areas for the militants; on September 23 , Russian Fighter Jet s bombed targets in and around Grozny. Dagestan after 1999 Since , as well as a Dagestani Insurgents and civilians. According to a July 2005 report by the Russian Academy Of Sciences , there were 70 "terror attacks" in Dagestan in the first six months of 2005, compared with 30 for all of 2004. The attacks, which are becoming more sophisticated and deadly, primarily target Russian soldiers and Dagestan's police and government officials. Sources indicate that as many as 2,000 Islamic insurgents, many belonging to the ''Jamaat Sharia'' group, are involved in the Dagestani '' Jihad ''. After a string of attacks and assassinations, Jamaat Sharia has claimed "legitimate power" in Dagestan. On July 12, 2005, the Sharia Jammaat confirmed the death of its commander, Rasul Makasharipov. {Link without Title} Bombings in Russia At the same time as the fighting in Dagestan, , Russia demanded that Chechnya extradite the criminals responsible for the bombings in Russia; a day later, Russian troops began the ground offensive. On has been arrested; Trepashkin represented a victim's family and claimed to have obtained evidence of FSB involvement. {Link without Title} WAR In late September of 1999, the Russian Military began bombing targets within Chechnya and ground troops followed soon after. In response, Martial Law was declared and Ichkeria's Reservists were called. President Maskhadov declared a '' Gazawat '' (holy war) to face the approaching Russian army. At this time, Russia's new Prime Minister Vladimir Putin announced that the Russian troops would advance only as far as the Terek River , which cuts the northern third of Chechnya off from the rest of the republic. Putin's stated intention was to take control of Chechnya's northern plain and establish a Cordon Sanitaire against further Chechen aggression. Crossing the Terek The Russian army moved with ease in the wide open spaces of northern Chechnya and soon reached the Terek River. Having quickly gained control of the north Chechen plain, the army crossed the river on October 12 , 1999, and began a two-pronged advance on the Capital Grozny to the south. Hoping to avoid the significant casualties which plagued the First Chechen War , the Russians advanced slowly and in force. The Russian military made extensive use of Artillery and Air Power in an attempt to soften Chechen defenses. On November 7, Russian soldiers dislodged rebels in Bamut, the rebel Stronghold in the first war; at least 28 Chechen fighters and many civilians were reported killed. Many thousands of civilians flee the Russian advance, leaving Chechnya for neighbouring Russian republics; their numbers are later estimated to reach 200,000. The Russians appeared to be taking no chances with the Chechen population in its rear areas, setting up notorious Filtration Camps in October in northern Chechnya for detaining suspected members of "bandit formations" (''bandformirovaniya''). In November, the Kremlin appointed Beslan Gantamirov as head of the pro-Moscow Chechen State Council; Gantamirov was just pardoned by President Yeltsin and released from a 6-year sentence for Embezzling federal funds to rebuild Chechnya in 1995-96. Battle of Grozny It was not until November that the Chechen capital of Grozny was surrounded, and more than two additional weeks of shelling and bombing were required before Russian troops were able to claim a foothold within any part of the heavily Fortified city. With approximately 100,000 troops supported by a powerful air force, the Russian army vastly outnumbered and outgunned the Chechen defense Militia , comprising several thousand fighters, and was considerably larger than the Russian force that had been defeated in Chechnya during the previous war. In addition, Russia's tactics in this second campaign were drastically different. The strategy in the fall of 1999 was to hold back tanks, vulnerable Armored Personnel Carrier s and Infantry and subject the entrenched Chechens to an intensive Barrage of heavy artillery and Aerial Bombardment before engaging them. As many as 40,000 civilians, many of them ethnic Russians, remained trapped in Grozny during the Russian Siege of the city, sufferening from the bombing, cold and hunger. Civilian motorcades attempting to leave besieged areas via Russian-guarded " Safe Corridor s" were fired on at a Russian police checkpoints, wounded survivors reported. {Link without Title} Grozny itself was transformed into a veritable Fortress under the leadership of Chechen field commander Aslambek Ismailov. The Chechen fighters in the capital put up a fierce resistance to the Russians throughout the months of November and December. Grozny's Chechen defenders laid Mines throughout the city, placed Machine Gun s on rooftops for Ambush es and withstood the heavy Russian bombardment for the chance to finally come to grips with the enemy in an environment of their choosing. Ultimatum In December the Russian general staff began dropping , the European Union and human rights groups, Russia withdrew the Ultimatum , but the campaign against Grozny continued with renewed vigor. By January 2000, Russia's heavy bombardments had finally begun to take their toll. Using Multiple Rocket Launcher s and massed tank and artillery fire, the Russians flattened most of Grozny in preparation for a mass assault. Heavy casualties During the height of the campaign, the Russians lost as many as 25 soldiers per day as they attempted to move into the city, according to the official figures. Perhaps the greatest set-back to the Russians came on the night of s and broken through Russian lines in at least two places. According to the wounded Russian soldiers evacuated from Grozny, one unit of special forces troops had almost been destroyed; of 100 men, only eight had survived and most of the unit's armour had been lost. {Link without Title} Counter-offensive On Monday, , Russian Major-General Mikhail Malofeyev was killed in Grozny; his body was found only 4 days later. On January 21 , 20 members of a Russian unit were killed in north-west Grozny when rebels sneaked through Sewage tunnels to attack them from the rear. On , the Committee Of Soldiers' Mothers Of Russia said it estimates that at least 3,000 servicemen had lost their lives. Endgame By mid-January, tens of thousands of Russian soldiers began an advance on central Grozny from three directions. With their Supply routes interdicted by an increasingly effective Russian Blockade , Ammunition running low and their losses mounting, the Chechen Leadership began to contemplate an escape. It was decided that taking on the Russians in frontal combat was becoming too costly. As the Russian army closed in on their positions, the Chechen commanders decided on a desperate gamble; success was not assured, for the city was encircled by Mine Fields and three layers of Russian forces. Break out The Chechens began the breakout on the last day of January and first day of February under intense Russian bombardment. As the Chechen fighters broke out, moving in a southwesterly direction, they were met with artillery fire; one of the main Retreat ing units, led by Shamil Basayev, hit a minefield between the city and the village of Alkhan-Kala. As Russian artillery fire homed in on their position, several of the Chechens' field commanders personally led their retreating soldiers in a charge across the mine fields. Volunteers were asked to run ahead of the main force to clear a path for their retreating comrades; scores of Chechen '' Shaheed '' were killed. Several prominent Chechen commanders were killed, including generals Khunkarpasha Israpilov and Aslambek Ismailov, the mastermind behind the defense of Grozny, and the city mayor Lecha Dudayev. In addition to these commanders, many rank-and-file Chechen fighters appear to have been killed in the bloody escape. The Russians later claimed to have killed 200 Chechen fighters. Another 200 were maimed, including Basayev. A rebel post-operative war Council was held in Alkhan-Yurt, where it was decided that the Chechen forces would retreat into the inaccessible Vedeno and Argun Gorge s in the southern moutains to carry on a Guerrilla war against the Russians. The Russian army's last chance to destroy the rebels in a concentrated position was thus lost, and the Chechens scattered into the southern mountains to continue the war. In Grozny itself, the Russian generals initially refused to admit that the Chechens had escaped from the blockaded city. Russian Foreign Minister that the Russians were able to raise the Russian Flag above the city centre. In March, the Russian army began to allow Residents to return to the city. Komsomolskoe In a March attack, a large group of more than 1,000 Chechen fighters, led by field commander Ruslan Gelayev , seized the village of Komsomolskoe in the Chechen foothills. They held off a full-scale Russian attack on the town for over two weeks, albeit admitting they suffered from 500-1,000 casaulties in the greatest Chechen defeat of the war. {Link without Title} The village was totally destroyed. Vladimir Putin put the number of Chechen dead at 600, while the Russian side admitted 350 dead and wounded. Guerilla war in Chechnya Despite the destruction of Grozny and the Russian victory at Komsomolskoe, fighting continued, particularly in the mountainous southern portions of Chechnya. Rebels are typically targetting Russian and pro-Russian Officials , Security Force s, and a military and police convoys and vehicles - often with IED attacks (on May 18 , 2003, a Russian official stated that, "90% of landmines, which guerillas place under us, are made of the shells that we have fired ourselves."). Among the notable incidents: 2000
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Air war In October 1999, at the beginning of the invasion of Chechnya, Russia was able to deploy in the War Zone only 68 transport and attack helicopters – a quarter of the number amassed for the war in Afghanistan , though the number of Russian servicemen sent to Afghanistan and the second Chechen war were roughly the same. According to the official data, Russian forces lost some 31 Aircraft destroyed or heavily damaged as for the period of September 1999 to July 2001, including a number of Fighter Bomber s; this figure didn't include the losses suffered in Dagestan. Some of the most severe losses included:
For the attacks targetting helicopters carrying Russian high-raking officers, see Assassinations below. Khankala disaster On August 19 , 2002, a Russian-made Igla missile hit an overloaded Mi-26 helicopter, causing it to crash in a minefield at the main military base near Grozny. The helicopter was meant to carry about 80 troops, while this one was carrying around 150. A total of 127 Russian troops were killed in the crash, the greatest loss of life in the history of helicopter aviation. The commander in charge of the helicopter, Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Kudyakov, was convicted of Negligence . The Chechen who shot down the helicopter, Doku Dzhantemirov, was sentenced to life in prison in April 2004. At his trial, Dzhantemirov denied that he is a "terrorist" and described himself as "a soldier of the state of Ichkeria." Suicide attacks Since 2000 Chechen insurgents added Suicide Bomb s to their weaponry. Among the attacks:
Georgia Russian officials have accused the bordering republic of Georgia of allowing Chechen rebels to operate out of Georgian territory, and permitting the flow of Guerillas and Materiel across the Georgian border with Russia.
Death of Maskhadov On February 2, 2005, Chechen rebel president Aslan Maskhadov issued a call for a Ceasefire lasting until at least February 22 : the day preceding the anniversary of Stalin's deportation of the Chechen population. The call was issued through a separatist website and addressed to President Putin, described as a gesture of goodwill. On March 8 2005, Aslan Maskhadov was killed in a "targeted cleansing" operation by Russian security forces in the Chechen community of Tolstoy-Yurt, northeast of Grozny. Shortly following Maskhadov's death, the Chechen rebel council announced that Abdul-Khalim Sadulayev had assumed the leadership, a move that was quickly endorsed by Shamil Basayev. Radicalization of the rebel movement The Chechen resistance is becoming more and more radicalized. Former Soviet Army officers General Djokhar Dudaev and Colonel Aslan Maskhadov, have been succeeded by people who rely more and more on the religious feelings rather than the nationalistic feelings of the population. While Dudaev and Maskhadov were seeking from Moscow recognition of the independence of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria, Sadulaev and Basaev speak out more and more about the need to expel Russia from the territory of the whole North Caucasus , an impoverished mountain region inhabited mostly by Muslim, non-Russian ethnic groups. In April 2006, asked whether negotiations with Russians are possible, the top rebel commander Dokku Umarov answered: "We offered them many times. But it turned out that we constantly press for negotiations and it's as if we are always standing with an extended hand and this is taken as a sign of our weakness. Therefore we don't plan to do this anymore. And the reshuffle of the {Link without Title} Cabinet of Ministers is connected to this." Same month, the new rebel spokesman Movladi Udugov said that attacks should be expected anywhere in Russia in summer 2006. "The minimum goal -- not to surrender -- has been met. Today, we have a different task on our hands -- Total War , war everywhere our enemy can be reached. (...) And this means mounting attacks at any place, not just in the Caucasus but in all Russia." It was not clear whether Udugov meant a return to the type of terrorist acts, not seen since 2004, or military style operations. Reflecting growing radicalisation of the Chechen-led guerrillas, Udugov said their goal was no longer Western-style Democracy and independence, but an Islamist "North Caucasian Emirate ." But regardless of goals and tasks announced by the current leaders of the separatists, the insurgents continue to enjoy the support of a significant part of the population of the Chechen Republic. Caucasus Front In May 2005, two months after Maskahdov's death, the Chechen separatists announced that they had formed a Caucasus Front within the framework of "reforming the system of military-political power." Along with the Chechen, Dagestani and Ingush "sectors," the Stavropol , Kabardin - Balkar , Krasnodar , Karachai - Circassian , Ossetian and Adighy "jamaats" were included in it. This, in essence, means that practically all the regions of the Russia's south will be involved in the hostilities.
Increasingly frequent clashes between federal forces and local militants continue in Dagestan, while sporadic fighting erupts in the other southern Russia regions, most notably in Ingushetia. RESTORATION OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT Government of Akhmad Kadyrov Russian President Vladimir Putin established Direct Rule of Chechnya in May 2000. The following month, Putin appointed Akhmad Kadyrov interim "head of the government". Constitution On March 23 , 2003, a new Chechen Constitution was passed in a Referendum . The 2003 Constitution granted the Chechen Republic a significant degree of autonomy, but still tied it firmly to the Russian Federation and Moscow's rule; the new constitution entered into force on April 2 , 2003. The referendum was strongly supported by the Russian government but met a harsh critical response from Chechen separatists. Many citiziens chose to boycott the ballot. The international opinion was mixed, as enthusiasm for the prospect of peace and stability in the region was tempered by concerns about the conduct of the referendum and fears of a violent backlash. Chief among the concerns are the 40,000 Russian soldiers that were included in the eligible voters' list (out of approximately 540,000). No Independent International Organization (neither the Organization For Security And Co-operation In Europe (OSCE) nor the United Nations) officially observed the voting. The OSCE, the United States State Department , and the United Kingdom 's Foreign Office all questioned the wisdom of holding the referendum while the region was still unsettled. Elections
On October 5 2003, presidential elections were held in Chechnya under the auspices of the March constitution. As with the constitutional referendum, the OSCE and other international organizations did not send observers to monitor proceedings. The Kremlin -supported candidate Akhmat Kadyrov earned a commanding majority, taking about eighty percent of the vote. Critics of the 2003 election argue that separatist Chechens were barred from running, and that Kadyrov used his private militia to actively discourage political opponents.
At night of August 21, 2004, a week before the appointed elections of the President of the Chechen Republic, large scale military operation was carried out by Chechen fighters in the capital city of Grozny, targetting polling stations and other government targets. The Kremlin-backed Militsiya General Alu Alkhanov was reported to have won the elections with almost 74%, with over 85% of the people having voted according to Chechen elections commissions head Abdul-Kerim Arsakhanov. {Link without Title}
The latest Chechen elections were held on November, , widely seen as a Kremlin puppet. {Link without Title} Government of Ramzan Kadyrov Since December 2005, the pro-Moscow militia leader Ramzan Kadyrov is functioning as the Chechnya's prime minister and the republic's de-facto ruler. Kadyrov, whose irregular forces are accused of carrying out many of the abductions and atrocities; has become Chechnya's most powerful leader since the 2004 assassination of his father Akhmat. The 29-year-old was elevated to full-time premier in March 2006, in charge of an administration that is a collection of his allies and Clan members. Same month, the Ramzan Kadyrov government officially took control of Chechnya's Oil Industry and rejected a federal proposition of the republican Budget , demanding much more money to be sent from Moscow; for years, Chechnya was know as a Russia's "financial black hole" where the funds are widely emblazed and tend to vanish without trace. On March 30 , 2006, Interfax reported Chechen People's Assembly Chairman Dukvakha Abdurakhmanov has spoken in favor of a complete withdrawal of all Russian federal forces except the border guards. In April 2006 Kadyrov himself criticiesed remaining units of Federal Police and called for their immediate withdrawal from the republic's proper. He also called for Refugee Camps scattered about Chechnya to be closed down, saying they were populated by "international spies" intent on destabilizing the region. Later this month, Abdurakhmanov said Chechnya should be merged with Ingushetia and Dagestan; Ingush and Dagestani leaders disagreed. Paradoxically, a merger would reflect the will of Chechen separatists of establishing an Islamic state across the North Caucasus. On April 29 , 2006, after a deadly clash between Kadyrov's and Alkhanov's men in Grozny, Ramzan Kadyrov officially disbanded his security service. ''Kadyrovtsy'', an irregular army of thousands of former rebels, have been pivotal in supporting Kadyrov. Rights activists working in Chechnya say the Kadyrovtsy abused their powers to crush any rivals to Kadyrov; they have repeatedly accused Kadyrov's personal guard of using kidnapping, murder and torture to cement his rule. Islamization In 2006 Kadyrov has also started to create laws he says are more suitable to Chechnya's Islamic Heritage -- banning Alcohol and Gambling on January 20 , and enforcing women's use of headscarves -- in defiance of Russia's Secular constitution. He also publicly spoke in favor of Polygamy on January 13 , and declared that lessons in the Koran and Sharia should be obligatory at Chechen schools. On February 11 , Ramzan criticized the republican media for broadcasting immoral programs and officially introduced Censorship in Chechnya. Because of the cartoon scandal that shook the whole Muslim World , Kadyrov issued a brief ban on the Danish Refugee Council , the most active Humanitarian Organization in Caucasus. CONTINUING TENSION War crimes Russian officials and Chechen rebels have regularly and repeatedly accused the opposing side of committing various War Crimes including kidnapping, Murder , hostage taking, Looting , Rape , and assorted other breaches of the Laws Of War . International and humanitarian organizations, including the Council Of Europe and Amnesty International , have criticized both sides of the conflict for blatant and sustained violations of International Humanitarian Law . In 2001 the Holocaust Memorial Museum has placed Chechnya on its Genocide Watch List. {Link without Title} On March 31 , 2003, Akhmad Kadyrov, the head of the pro-Moscow administration of the Chechen Republic, has suggested that Russian federal forces are behind breaking into homes at night and abducting people. "People continue to go missing in Chechnya. They are taken away in the middle of the night. Their bodies are not found and they are never seen again," Kadyrov said to reporters in Grozny. "Through their crimes, they maintain tension in the republic, and their hands are stained with the blood of innocent people. The force is made up of kidnappers in armored vehicles. They are a Death Squad ." But according to many journalists and experts on Chechnya, many such abductions are the work of Chechen Security Police headed by Kadyrov's son, Ramzan . The ''Kadyrovtsy'' were also in turn accused by commmanders of the Russian federal forces. Massacre incidents Indiscriminate attacks
Major rampages
European Court In October 2004, the European Court Of Human Rights agreed to try cases brought by Chechen civilians against the Russian government. The first Trial concluded in February of 2005. The Court ruled that the Russian government violated several articles of the European Convention On Human Rights , including a Clause on the protection of Property , a guarantee of the right to life, and a ban on Torture and inhumane or degrading treatment, and ordered the Russian government to pay Compensation to the six Plaintiff s of the case. {Link without Title} The compensations were not paid, NGOs claim that applicants to the court are met with repressions, including murders and disappearance. {Link without Title} United Nations
Trials in Russia
Captured Chechen rebels are routinely tried for such articles of the Russian criminal code as illegal weapons possession, "forming and participating in illegal armed groups" and Banditry . Participation in regular combat is treated as a murder or Attempted Murder , and terrorism, making little if any distinction with an incidents of actual murders and terrorism. Trials of servicemen The cases of a Russian servicemen being tried for a war crimes are few and in between, and no one was ever accused of mistreatement or murder of captured enemy combatants. Several servicemen were, however, accused of a crimes against civilians:
Assassinations
Kadyrov had survived at least three preceding bomb attacks, one on his Grozny headquarters in 2002, one by a pair of female suicide bombers at a religious festival in Iliskhan-Yurt on May 14 , 2003, and another by a young ''shakhidka'' Mariam Tashukhadzhiyeva in Grozny few weeks later. His successor, acting President Sergei Abramov , was targeted by yet another bombing in July of 2004; Abramov survived the attack. Hostage takings The Moscow theater hostage crisis On October 23 2002, over forty gunmen took more than seven hundred Hostages Prisoner At A Moscow Theater . The hostage-takers demanded an end to the Russian presence in Chechnya, and threatened to execute the hostages if their conditions were not met. The siege ended violently on October 26 , when Russian troops stormed the building. More than one hundred of the hostages perished from the incapacitating effects of Knockout Gas used by the Russian forces. Russian officials blamed Maskhadov and Baseyev for the attack; both initially denied responsibility and insist that the attack was the work of independent rebels and terrorists. On November 2 Baseyev recanted his statements, assuming responsibility in a statement on his web site and apologizing to Maskhadov for not informing him of the plan. The Beslan school siege On September 1 2004, approximately thirty individuals Seized Control Of Beslan's Middle School Number One and more than one thousand hostages. Most of the hostages were students under the age of eighteen. Following a tense two-day standoff punctuated by occasional gunfire and explosions, Alpha Group of the OSNAZ raided the building. Fighting lasted more than two hours; ultimately 331 civilians, 11 commandos, and 31 hostage-takers died. Once again, Russian officials publicly linked Baseyev and Maskhadov to the attack, and Baseyev again claimed responsibility in a September 17 website publication. Maskhadov denounced the attacks and denied involvement. Other hostage incidents
Meanwhile, the practice of taking civilians hostages exists among officers of Russian and local security agencies in Chechnya. On March 1 , 2004, officers of security agencies seized more than 30 relatives of of Ichkerian defense minister Magomed Khambiyev, including women, in the Khambiyev family's native village of Benoy in Chechnya's Nozhay-Yurt district. Magomed Khambiyev got an ultimatum to lay down arms in exchange for lives of his relatives, and he did it giving himself up to the authorities in a few days. Mass graves
Terrorist bombings
INFLUENCE ON RUSSIAN POLITICS Early conflict Among ordinary Russian citizens, there existed a strong perception that Chechnya was firmly a part of Russia. The notion that it might secede was implausible and unacceptable, even after events of the First Chechen War; the violent acts of Chechen militants were portrayed within Russia as having been carried out by dangerous, unrepresentative fringe groups. Within the Russian government, there was a concern that allowing Chechnya substantial autonomy might lead to a domino effect—other regions within the already-fragmented former Soviet Union might choose to follow suit. Motivated by these factors, President Yeltsin authorized the invasion of Chechnya. Many argue over whether Yeltsin genuinely believed that victory would be swift and decisive, or that his assertions to that effect were simply meant to assuage the concerns of Russian citizens. Despite assembling a much larger and better-supported force than was brought to bear in the First Chechen War, the Russian army sustained appreciable losses but won the bloody battle for Grozny. Rise of Putin The election of Vladimir Putin to the Russian presidency changed the tenor of the Chechen conflict; Putin was often less concerned about Western public opinion than Yeltsin, and continued to prosecute the war. Putin officially reestablished Russian rule in Chechnya in 2000; this development met with early approval in the rest of Russia, but the continued deaths of Russian troops dampened public enthusiasm. Following the September 11, 2001 Attacks in the United States , Putin was able to attract more foreign support for his actions in Chechnya by highlighting the links between Chechen rebels and Islamist terrorist groups such as Al-Qaeda . Although large-scale fighting within Chechnya has ceased, daily attacks continue. The local government is not stable and Russians are mindful of the potential for renewed conflict. Russia continues to maintain a substantial military presence within Chechnya. President Putin and newly-minted Chechen leaders face a difficult task of restoring stability to the region and convincing the Russian people that they can manage the situation effectively. Currently the FSB has taken over the operations in Chechnya. Most soldiers in Chechnya are now ''kontraktniki'' (contract soldiers) as opposed to the earlier conscripts. Local militias are also being used to provide security. Ironically, many of the militiamen are former Chechen rebels from the First Chechen War. INFLUENCE ON SOCIETY Chechen syndrome The "Chechen syndrome" among security forces returning from their service in Chechnya spreads an atmosphere of violence and disregarding human rights to other parts of Russia. The regular troops and police carry the Chechen syndrome home with them, haunted by the horrors they have witnessed and committed. Post-traumatic stress disorder Since the Chechen conflict began in 1994, similar cases have been reported all across Russia: depressed young Veteran s return embittered and traumatized to their home towns and begin lashing out at those around them; soldiers are Psychologically scarred. Russian psychiatrists, law-enforcement officials and journalists have started calling the condition Chechen Syndrome (CS), drawing a parallel with the Post-traumatic Stress Disorder s suffered by American soldiers who served in Vietnam and Soviet soldiers who fought in Afghanistan . "At least 70% of the estimated 1.5 million Chechnya veterans suffer CS," says Yuri Alexandrovsky, deputy director of the Serbsky National Center for Social and Forensic Psychiatry in Moscow. "Some readjust. Many don't. All need help." {Link without Title} Police brutality This is particulary visible in the rising Brutality and Criminalisation of the Russia's police forces. According to human rights activists and journalists, tens of thousands of police and security forces have done Tours Of Duty in Chechnya, after which they return to their home regions, bringing with them learned patterns of brutality and impunity. In a 2003 report, the International Helsinki Federation said "torture, ill-treatment and inhumane and degrading treatment are commonly employed in order to get a confession to a crime." A Human Rights Watch report said that in the first hours after detention, "police regularly beat their captives, nearly Asphyxiate them, or subject them to Electroshock in pursuit of confessions or testimony incriminating others". Reliable numbers on police brutality are hard to come by. In a statement released January 31 , 2006, the internal affairs department of Russia's Interior Ministry said that the number of recorded crimes by police officers rose 46.8 percent in 2005. In one nationwide poll in 2005, 71 percent of respondents said they didn't trust the police; in another, 41 percent said they lived in fear of police violence. Impact on the Chechen population The 2003 WHO in-depth study of the psychological health of the population of Chechnya, which has experienced crisis almost continuously since 1991, concluded that 86 percent of the Chechen population was suffering from physical or emotional "distress" - about 30 percent more than people living in the Chernobyl reactive zone. 31 percent of those studied showed symptoms of ill health recognizable as post-traumatic stress syndrome. {Link without Title} Psychologists are discovering that a whole generation of Chechen children is showing symptoms of Trauma . In 2006 Sultan Alimkhadzhiyev, pro-Russian Chechnya's deputy health minister, said the Chechen children had become "living specimens" of what it means to grow up with the constant threat of violence and chronic joblessness and poverty. "Our children have seen bombings, artillery attacks, large-caliber bombardment. They saw houses, schools and hospitals burning. They lost parents, brothers, sisters, neighbors. And they still see tanks and armored vehicles every day in the street. (...) A state of panic. Children are feeling constant fear, a premonition of tragedy." {Link without Title} Rise of racism and xenophobia The war in Chechnya and the associated Caucasian terrorism in Russia resulted in growing Intolerance and Racist Violence in Russia, directed in a great part against the people from Caucasus. Even while the Russian authorities are unlikely to label attacks on people with dark skin as racist, preferring calling this " Hooliganism ", a report in November 2005 found that murders officially classified as racist more than doubled in Russia between 2003 and 2004 from around 20 to at least 45. A nationwide opinion poll in 2005 found that 61% of respondents approved of the "Russia for Russians" slogan, almost twice the 31% level recorded in 1998. {Link without Title} According to the 2006 poll by the Public Opinion Foundation, 12% of Russians see "positive ideas" in Fascism ; 24% think that people who hold fascist views do not constitute a danger to society. EXTERNAL LINKS Timelines and chronologies Human rights issues
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